DR. HERNANDEZ MANUEL GONZALEZ :
Ph.D. in History and Professor of American History at the University of La Laguna (Canary Islands, Spain). He was visiting professor and postdoctoral fellow at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. It's academic for the National History of Venezuela and the Dominican Republic and the Canary Academy History. He has published over forty books, including They indicated
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- The colonization of the Dominican border (1680-1795) (Tenerife, 2005), in press in Santo Domingo ed. General Archive of the Nation and National Academy of History,
- English America (Culture and everyday life (1763-1898) (Madrid, 2000) - The Canary emigration to America, 1765-1824 (Tenerife, 1996)-The Canaries in the Venezuela colonial (1670-1810) (Tenerife, 1999).
- Francisco de Miranda and its rupture with Spain (Caracas, 2006, Tenerife, 2006).
- Women and everyday life in the Canary Islands in the eighteenth century .
- Canary The Enlightenment and American proyeccción .
- popular religiosity in the Canary Islands in the eighteenth century .
- disease and death in the Canary Islands in the eighteenth century .
- The Canary emigration to America through history.
- The convents of La Orotava , etc.
has made critical editions of more than twenty books of scientific travelers and over one hundred articles in specialized journals. He has won five awards for historical research.
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Brief review of the book The colonization of the Dominican border (1670-1795):
"This book, with an extensive collection of documentary sources in English archives, Cubans and Dominicans is to reconstruct the process of founding people and their demographic and economic expansion in the English side of the border region with the Santo Domingo French between 1680 and the Treaty of Basel Spain ceded Santo Domingo to France. Study each detail from the port Montecristi intermediation Nirgua in the north to the south, including the four that today belong to Haiti and that during the colony explained that the English were 3 / 4 parts of the island and not the 2 / 3 current . It deals both economic and social and demographic, from the civil and religious foundation to the structure of land ownership, trade and struggles for control between its elites and the capital's military bureaucracy. "
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EXPANSION AND GROWTH OF COLONIAL SANTO DOMINGO (1670-1795)
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By MANUEL GONZÁLEZ HERNÁNDEZ.
Professor of History AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF LA LAGUNA, Canarias, Spain.
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INTRODUCTION.
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L to depopulation of the colony, the smuggling vessels of other powers in the north of the island of concern to the Crown. Santo Domingo was nevertheless increasingly incommunicado with the monopoly of Seville. His neighbors were forced to develop the smuggling of their skins for their growing isolation. To counter the Crown took the absurd extent in 1605 and 1606 devastated the villages of the northern band plunging the English island in a state of economic and social depression. A census of that last year was about 3,000 white people for the colony, while slaves amounted to 10,859. The miserable state of the colony and thus depopulation was increasingly evident.
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mid 1654, Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector of England, drew up a vast plan of occupation of the Antilles islands, whose center of operation is Santo Domingo. Sending against it a powerful naval fleet. He was about to fall into British hands, but the plan is frustra.Tras setbacks, headed for Jamaica which was occupied with ease. This was a serious wake-up call about the risks that were being developed in the Caribbean for his serious depopulation. On the same island, the French colonization of the western slope gradually began to become effective. The situation was catastrophic in the 60's with the smallpox, plague, pests on cocoa, which knew its collapse as an economic sector and the export of cassava and banana conucos and a cyclone and an earthquake which threw the population in a state of dire poverty that was even part of the population to emigration. According to Archbishop Fernández Navarrete in 1681 had only 6,265 inhabitants [1]
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THE TURN TOWARD THE SETTLEMENT: MIGRATION POLICY .
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parallel, after century of spectacular growth in the Canary Islands feel the first symptoms of the wine crisis arising from the consequences of the Emancipation of Portugal in 1640, which resulted in the loss to our colonial market vintages Lusitanian and their gradual conversion into preferred ally Britain, which resulted in serious obstacles to their exports to the metropolis and its colonies. Consequently, with the constant pressures of the commercial oligarchy Seville on the continuity of the canary privileged trade with India, the ruling classes island assert their human resources to populate the areas with serious risk of loss due to its depopulation.
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In 1663 General de Canarias Captain Jerome Quiñones proposed settlement of Santo Domingo with poor families. The Tenerife Cabildo offered to send 100 over 10 years, facing the costs with their own funds and donations of its leading citizens. The Crown financial crisis is reluctant to finance such ventures. In 1669 the cabildo of Santo Domingo and the archbishop stressed the need to repopulate the northern island with them. Meanwhile, lack of initiative to the growth of the French side was unstoppable. In 1681 it was already 7,845 people, while the English did not exceed 7.500.Hasta Trade Regulation, 1718 canary-American settlement initiatives relate to local authorities and individuals. In 1762 it implemented the proposal of the council Tenerife. Around the same time that of Higuey was awaiting the arrival of new settlers who are divided between their families at an early stage [2]. But the desert east of the country will not be the priority. The capital and the border area are the key target.
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essential within this process is the royal decree of 1678 that continued trade links canary-American to transport families to the Caribbean islands, with special emphasis on Santo Domingo. The merchants are exempt from paying the sales tax return and failure to take five families of five members per 100 tonnes.
essential within this process is the royal decree of 1678 that continued trade links canary-American to transport families to the Caribbean islands, with special emphasis on Santo Domingo. The merchants are exempt from paying the sales tax return and failure to take five families of five members per 100 tonnes.
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The news about the family migration in the last third of the seventeenth century and first decades of the eighteenth century are quite confusing and require a systematic study of the sources in the absence of accurate records. Between 1680 and 1691 were shipped to Santo Domingo from the Canary 8 vessels, according to the protocols Canary, calling at leave that port for the family.
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Everything indicates that the migration had some company. We know from other sources that this colonization has some effectiveness in one of the empty regions of the island, the latter. In it there are place names that speak of its impact, as the lagoon of the island in Bayaguana or the crossing of the islanders in Higuey. In the first settlement Headlines canaries, and the second of a deal of them in the area called La Otra Banda, which consolidated a foundation that structures a town that has survived as such until quite recent date, the call leg white synonymous with that color.
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Despite the hostilities between France and Spain, the islanders continued moving vessels families Santo Domingo, but do not know their exact number. In the following years until 1735 continued to arrive, but it is only from that time when the Crown faced a decisive effort to repopulate Santo Domingo Canarian families taking care of not only installation costs but with a portion of the tickets. Despite the slowdown in the war between 1742 and 1749, increased substantially until 1764, year of completion of the government policy of subsidizing migration, several thousand people, although there are notable disparities in the sources between the reports of the Justice of India in the Canaries and those of officials in Santo Domingo, to certify their arrival. According to these the number could well exceed four thousand people, although their total number is obviously higher. As mentioned Gutiérrez Escudero, a more thorough analysis of the sources, add every day new data reaffirm that. Canaries reaffirm protocols over the plausibility of such arguments [3].
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Along with the other Canary migration via external population growth was the purchase of slaves to the French in return for selling their cattle, leather, wood and snuff and the granting of freedom from 1677 to the black slaves fleeing from it. Thus, on the one hand, landowners, and to a lesser extent the small farmers who sell their production in Saint Domingue might buy at an affordable price and other runaway slaves were settled in a vacant land on the eastern side of the river Ozama that would give rise to a new town, San Lorenzo de los Mina, so named for being the first black Angolan mine group. Despite attempts by local authorities to suppress it, lasted over the century, steadily growing [4]. French Pedron said of him in 1800 that housed "more about 300 people, mostly black, descendants of black refugees from the French side "[5].
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EXPANSION FOUNDING IN SANTO DOMINGO.
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SE addition of that country and people of San Lorenzo de los Mina, as noted earlier, the first milestone of this policy was populating the foundation at the border, strengthening the capital of the Cibao Santiago, and building on the outskirts of Santo Domingo de San Carlos de Tenerife in 1684. This last town, though at first experienced difficulties and their neighbors were concerned by epidemics and forced to change its location, prospered as a center provider of agricultural products to the capital. The new settlers erected a temple to their patron, a white well-Candelaria, who moved from the Islands, held a policy inbred that distinguished them from the capital overwhelmingly mulatto. Their militias were white and their specific identity preserved well into the twentieth century. They called themselves independent islanders and took council until 1911.
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Although some of the immigrants settled in San Carlos and the capital, where even in his parish retains peripheral Santa Barbara to a white Candelaria who worshiped since 1690 in which 25 families were added to Santiago in the fertile northern Cibao Valley, the richest of the island, canary immigrants will go to the border and north of the country sponsored by government policy to act as a brake to the French occupation and encouraged by the benefits that they accounted for sales of cattle and snuff in Santo Domingo French.
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BORDER SETTLEMENT
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One of the main obstacles to the English Crown had to stop French expansion on the island was the colonization of the frontier region. Lares of guava, formed in the sixteenth century, was a mid-seventeenth century archaeological ruin. In 1670 the Archbishop Fray Domingo Fernandez Navarrete said of him that today was "modern" confessional just 182 people, including soldiers for their defense. Had been destroyed by the French in 1656 and in 1674 [6].
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Carvajal Governor gave his date of reoccupation by the year 1664, so it should be another new attempt at recruitment [7]. The truth is that only a few remained hater few dedicated to cattle breeding and their transfer and sale to the Santo Domingo 1687 francés.En General Captain Andres Robles itemizes the move "has many years", actually in 1683, the population from "Cueto Canyon to Bánica and Artibonite by reason of the French enemies occupying the island. " In 1683 this settlement had been involved Canarian families, as evidenced by the composition of the council of Bánica of April 25, 1688 [8].
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opinion that this was the site "more suitable for purpose and safety of persons and families." But foundation was a bit unstable because each asked to move to the old site, taking "the saints and the bell." Still maintained, despite the risks involved, their flocks in the area, located 8 miles, in almost borders.
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In case of war would be lost, but "today as I have left is peace in that part, because, although the trade and commerce with the enemies is common and ordinary mess with them big and little faith, I still no longer be there because the enemy stops closer to their populations "[9]. Robles was reaffirming an undeniable fact, profitability in peacetime to keep their cattle in that area for the interest accrued to them their trade. Precisely this would be the engine of the colonization of the area.
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In 1687 the council of Banica says the former governor had forced them to move from Cueto Canyon to its current location "making us leave our crops and livestock." Thus left vacant fields to facilitate the introduction of the French, losing "our brief farms that feed us our wives and families." At that site, "we experience the enemy caught us dead interpresa priest and others, leading the women with other hostilities. " The Prosecutor said that Robles had chosen the foundation for his best defense, while acknowledging that it was "so typical for livestock and sowing of work as it is the Cueto."
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The residence at that last point is feasible if it strengthens its population, "because, in addition to preventing the invasion and the risk of their cattle and crops, they managed to stop the enemy" by later populated and better countryside. However, its inhabitants are reaffirmed his place of residence is "partially sterile and does not carry the fruits of cassava and banana plantations which is the ordinary bread of this island ", while, conversely Cueto Canyon was" very fertile fields for our work and raising enough for cattle "The neighbors were offered for such reinforcement to support 25 families the arrivals in the Canary Islands "in that people can earn their food." The Indian Council accepts this proposal and directed that the first time that lead is directed to that place.
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In 1691 Governor Perez Caro talk of the arrival of these 25 families. Feel satisfied with the increased security situation in the area with the reinforcement of the troop of 30 men. The French evacuated area "for the troops has run well in the land" [10]. Canarian families new shipments will rise to the foundation in 1704 of Fan to 8 Bánica leagues.
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Banica The slow consolidation resulted in the presence of the new island home residents, as Francisco Torres and José Hernández Araujo, then stop families from its main office. But the confusion between Guaba court, it would be really and the village of Fan and Bánica itself is remarkable. The same Charlevoix in the first decades of the eighteenth century would say "Guaba consists of 120 houses and has 2 companies of 125 men each under the command of two ordinary mayors and two captains of the militia "[11]. The growth of this new core of fans can be seen from the point of view of religious dedication. The council baniquero the last third of the seventeenth century to his villa called the Conception of Banica, which will be dedicated Fan future. In the eighteenth century stands as its patron St. Francis of Paula.
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was therefore the foundation Canarian families of the village of Fan, a town now belongs to Haiti, in 1704 the focus of expansion in the border region. Itself hinges on the dynamic a region whose growth was based on precisely the exchange with Saint Domingue. The demand for livestock for the plantation economy of sugar and coffee became the biggest instigator of its growth, leading to the formation of a local oligarchy in which a minority have gradually gained access to purchase slaves in exchange for cows or horses .
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studied Jaime Domínguez As an elite group of Hincha, with close relations of cronyism, he became the owner of the vast majority of slaves. Front of them a vast majority do not even had one. 12 individuals hoarded 62 slaves from Guinea and Baptized 107 infants in the town. Only three of them were older than 30 and older, owner Juan Bernabe was 49. Of these 5 were women farmers. Over 50 had only 1 and were hundreds who had not [12]. The same applies to the control of livestock. In 1742 of 138 owners, 18 had more than 200 animals, with only one neighbor of Santo Domingo and the other villagers, while 35 had between 100 and 200 and 85 owned fewer than 100. Only 2 exceeded the thousand, of which José Guzmán one of them. He owned 1,400 in your herd of The Watchtower, which later develops into a new location [13].
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Tensions between the two groups for control of communal pastures and its emphasis on privatization were more than evident, as seen in the founding of San Rafael de Angostura within its jurisdiction. The proof of the expansion fans, who already had in 1784 with more than 3,000 people, was due to the dramatic growth of its livestock, and agriculture was for them an activity for subsistence. The reason was logical, a cow that cost only 2 to 6 pesos in English Santo Domingo cost 17 in French. The shortage of cattle in the latter was the great instigator border smuggling. This explains why the 19,335 counted Fan cattle in 1743, ranking second in the country after Santiago. In 1772 it was already the first with 30,000, followed by El Seibo with 28,000. This expansion reached as a cattle center in the second half of the eighteenth century continued urging islanders to establish himself in spite of its remoteness and difficult access.
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A Fan founding in 1733 will join the San Juan de la Maguana with next hater, Azua and island residents scattered repopulation policy that bore fruit two years after the Neiba in the vicinity of Lake Enriquillo. Further north, near the bay of Manzanillo, he foot in 1740 to help Dajabón parish, first in Sabana Larga and later in its present location.
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The population experienced significant development in the border region is explained by the significant growth of these young migrant families moved in his youth. For data arising from a report of the Dominican parish in 1782 the number of births, very high, bent at these locations to the deaths. It follows a very high number of members of the family unit, exceeding 6'55 in Fan and reaches that of 8'69 in Banica [14]. This expansion explains hater Dajabón reaches 1,469 inhabitants in 1782, the 1,427 Neiba San Juan de la Maguana Banica 1,600 and the 2,689, with 3,000 Fan constituting the center of the region.Experience relations between French and English Santo Domingo provided that a significant number of islanders was introduced to ease the French, especially in the border region and called Guarico, especially in French Cape, Cape Haiti today, the region hinges on whether the large slave plantation economy. French documentation even realize that they came to be naturalized to facilitate negotiations.
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Refundation PEOPLES NORTH OF SANTO DOMINGO
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Together with the drive Fan villager began in the fertile Cibao valley island colonization. In the thirties was so great that its principal city, Santiago, came to have two companies of militia in the Canaries. Although he never reached the parameters of Havana, many of these immigrants develop the cultivation of snuff, which could be exported to Santo Domingo French, with whom he was closely connected with the next James export of livestock, or to the nearby foreign Antilles. Internal colonization that favored the formation a white or mulatto peasants clear dominance in areas of intense island as La Vega and Moca, built as such in 1775 from the chapel of Our Lady of the Rosary, known as hunters, rural symbols of Dominican nationality. Right in 1826, the British consul in Haiti Charles Mackenzie review the proportion of whites and mulattos is very considerable and blacks are a strong and beautiful race of men. There is a rich person or at least who would be well considered elsewhere, but there are degrees of wealth still there. " In the extended area of \u200b\u200bsmall and medium agricultural property with a low number of slaves.
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In 1770 247 farmers snuff neighbors were supported by the work of only 202 slaves. The Crown tried to control this resource through the Monopoly of snuff, which was able to increase part, not without contradictions, the production exported to the mainland. But the bulk of it was sold in the French colony, driven directly by small farmers. In 1800 the French Pedron estimated that tobacco production in the region Santiago-La Vega had become the exclusive domain of smallholders [15]. The numbers are spectacular. Santiago exceeded 20,000 in the decade of the 70th from the decade thirties, the beginning of the economic boom of the Dominican Republic is clearly visible in its revival and its population growth is finally spurred by the policy of the Crown decides to take ownership of this process with the investment of large sums Set the income of Mexican to proceed with the colonization of empty areas canaries and of great strategic value within the Dominican territory. Finances many of the passages of families, since another part is provided by the shippers, who must transport free of charge fifty-thousand tons and the total cost of installation.
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From these dates, except periods of war, many islanders ship was destined Campeche, Havana and on occasion La Guaira, and some chartered directly transported to island families. It can be seen migrating in large numbers and even whole streets such as the Harrier Tank district and creating migration chains and connections between successive groups of immigrants, united by close ties of kinship. It is no longer migrate for emergency migrants into the unknown with no ties in the Indies, and islands areas without such traditions. Can see a better chance of future access to levels of life and property worth inciting to the serious crisis insular to emigrate to Santo Domingo at a time when difficulties begin to access to land in Cuba and Venezuela, leading to widespread male migration. Young families with children uprooted women begin the adventure of traveling to a Santo Domingo in which the information of immigrants are not as negative as in the past. Have free passage, financing costs and the promise of access to land. Greater possibilities coincide also with the government of Rocha Ferrer, son of canaries and the bishopric of La Palma Alvarez de Abreu.
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new policy line of the island was founding families Puerto Plata in the north. Between 1736 and 1737 arrived Canary 46 families, totaling 231 people, which would be taken to that port in order to provide a channel exporter to the region of Cibao and geo-strategic point in the devastated coast in the early seventeenth century by the myopic policy government. With these families proceeded in 1736 to its erection. A founding member in 1738 they joined 23 others from the ship Venus. Despite the difficulties, which led to the death for the unhealthiness of a group of its founders, but their number was exaggerated as usual, by government reports, the people prospered and in 1740 already had 400 residents. During the War of Austrian Succession, between 1739 and 1748 was one of the ports where the Dutch and Danish privateers took their prey. Grown in her snuff and onions, which exported to Santo Domingo and the Antilles French foreign as well as salt pork and clubs to mills. Its growth was considerable, with 800 people in 1772 and 1804 only a decade later [16].
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founding The main thrust would be given at the stage of Peñaranda Rubio government. In 1749 a decree ordering the erection of the port of Montecristi in the north coast of Santo Domingo, at a point much closer to Puerto Plata to Haiti. In January 1752 moved into a 139 sloops canaries. Era una región desértica, lo que dificultaba el desarrollo de la agricultura. Con todo significativamente se expandió la ganadería, especialmente la caprina, convirtiendo a esa área, junto a Baní, en las dos zonas en que fue significativa en la isla esa cabaña. Los privilegios concedidos inicialmente como puerto libre motivaron su rápido crecimiento. Se dio pie a la formación de una cierta capa oligarquía que chocaría en su intención de control del poder y de la tierra con otros sectores sociales y con el próximo Dajabón, que dependía civilmente de él. Pero su carácter de puerto a mitad de camino entre la parte francesa y la española catapultaron un cierto desarrollo, como se explica en its point of departure, 600 inhabitants in 1772 and rise to 1,646 a decade later. Golden age in times of war to become a center of mediation between England and France. Declared free trade port became the main outlet of the Cibao productions, among which the snuff became his priority and expansive field. His position on the routes between the Canary Islands and America it explains the establishment of stowaways islanders, as the 80 left by the San Antonio in 1780 [17].
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One area where particular attention was Rubio was in the colonization of the strategic and coveted Peninsula Samana, on the northwestern coast of the country, occupied at different times by the French and also subject to filibuster and the British desires. Canarian families began in 1756 with the founding of the town of Samaná. In 1783 already had 215 inhabitants, of whom 51 were infants. Although part of the initial founders left the place, however, the foundation rooted problems. The main obstacle that told the people was the difficulty of disposing of their productions. Without capital to put into operation the land away and nothing to sell them, its growth was slow. Notwithstanding these young families could high proportion adult children. Some, like the Almeida could buy a slave and be done with some barge to market their goods by sea to foreign colonies. The other people of the peninsula created and the Canary Islands colonized, Sabana de la Mar, was born in 1760. Its initial core of island families, almost disconnected from the outside and reduced to a subsistence economy, had just 251 inhabitants in 1782.
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THE CONTINUITY OF THE BORDER SETTLEMENT ATTEMPTS TO FOUND or restocking VILLAS IN THE SOUTHWEST.
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At that time it tried to build with island families a villa in Haina, but the Crown objected. The increase of islanders displaced at that time contributed to the founding of new towns in the south and the border region, and even to strengthen other population, as occurred in the same Azua, reinforced in 1761 with input from dozens of families island, which in part explains its passing some growth of 879 inhabitants in 1760 to 1,646 in 1782. In 1761 the foundation has held these contingent of San Rafael de la Angostura on the border land today in Haiti. Some of them like the canary Antonio Febles clandestine trade prospered and even became pirates charter vessels. But their progress in the occupation of the territory would face soon with the interests of oligarchic group of fans who claimed as their own land. Conflict between fans and new populations will be a constant in this period, which is a credible witness that the land was worth more and had to struggle for its control. Lescallier French described it in 1764 as a new stock and still in formation, in which "the majority of its inhabitants are islanders." In 1795 Albert would say it was still small and extremely poor [18]. Its population was in 1782 of 1,079 souls.
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happens in 1768 the founding of The Mahogany, now in Haiti, 8 miles from Banica, but within its jurisdiction. In 1768 Fernando Espinosa and Miranda, who had had major conflicts with the ruling elite led by José Guzmán Fan, Baron de La Atalaya, founder of the town of the same name, proposed to the King to found a population in that territory. In his argument states that its purpose was to contain the French at their limits with the founding of that village. The neighborhood of the population should be composed of the available families and living in the wilds. It gives them a kind of arable land, tools and beads for her and a common pasture breeding.
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Governor endorses the proposal Azlor who was one of his closest collaborators. Points out that it was extremely necessary to prevent the occupation of the land "occupied by the French nation tolerance and also the high cost has so far the Real Estate other populations that have been founded island families, seeing that this new population brought or caused any stipend the Royal Treasury. " Endorses it deems worthy of the award of a habit in one of the military orders and the salary grade of lieutenant colonel of cavalry [19].
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We must bear in mind that until that Azlor years continued to receive families from the Canary Islands to its establishment in the border region, as had happened in San Rafael de la Angostura. But the growing prosperity of the region with the livestock trade was more likely their establishment by the wealthy as Espinosa people or Guzman, who by their personal interests ran the new towns, recruiting families of islanders and their descendants.
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No wonder that the elite of Fan appeal against it. In 1771 he obtained a supply of the hearing, confronted with the Governors, which was granted "to the person committee more integrity, impartiality had zeal in the village of Fan and you like it, so that, with reliable information from witnesses, the investigation of the effective discharge of its foundation. Ironically, the appointment should cede to José Guzmán [20].
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The Mahogany born after 80 or 90 new families that gave rise to this new town that was born to help the parish with the remarkable population growth outlined above. Had 46 baptisms in 1778 compared to 22 burials. The following year 60 vs 25. In 1780, 45 versus 22. In 1781, 61 versus 10 and finally in 1782 the proportion was 74 vs. 14.
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In 1768 it was precisely that Joseph Guzman Fan oligarch who erected the new town of San Miguel de la Atalaya Haitian territory today. At its foundation the Crown would seek the pompous title of Baron of the Watchtower, the only noble character obtained by the Dominican elite, which would be granted a decade later. His aim was both to foster a new installation of settlers in their environment to consolidate under its review a cattle ranch owned. Reached 1,131 inhabitants in 1782. As the former was still extremely small and poor. Its growth growing season was remarkable. 44 baptisms in 1779 compared to 20 burials, which keeps figures in 1780 and 1781 to reach 44 vs 0 burials [21].
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In the settlement of the border a crucial part of wealth originated with the Santo Domingo exchanges with the French practiced with impunity, despite the prohibitions, by the inhabitants of those towns whose mayors were ordinary both of executioners primarily interested in their tolerance and encouragement. Faced with this obvious, uncontrollable reality of the facts as Pedro Zorrilla governors in 1741 or in 1760 Azlor were interested in the traffic of cattle will result in benefit to the Treasury at the same time would be of effective control of the military authorities directly subordinate to him. The clash of jurisdiction between them and ordinary mayors of all border region was a constant throughout the century. Governors could hardly Arms control over cattle made by some localities they saw in him not only his main business but their own survival.
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Azlor obtained the grant of the Royal Decree of July 20, 1765 that turned them into a Deputy Governor, Chief Justice and Judges of forfeitures of Banica, Fan and the resulting population San Rafael de la Angostura, which also wielded the ordinary courts. Hence the conflict between the two jurisdictions was revived, as evidenced by the leadership of this key figure who was Fernando Espinosa, founder of the mahogany trees that, with interests in the area and covered the benefits of power he held, try change the situation to their advantage. Nor was he a stranger to the dispute between the Captain General and the High Court, by linking the civil judicial authority in a military office under the Government directly, so that legal disputes would be a constant.
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In 1768 takes place in the south, near Ocoa Bay the village of Nuestra Señora de Regla of Bani. Formed from its colonization by hater canaries, become over time as a real host named ethnic parentheses in a predominantly Dominican south mulatto. 80% of the population around 1870 was white. Lescallier in 1764 describes it as built from a sheet very good purchased by a particular community. He says that his people "do not know anything other than livestock and have it a lot. But there is given the kind of man most laborious of all the English colony and the whitest, but were intermixed at first.
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are tall and well proportioned and have a great honor not to marry rather than white or mistives. " Very few descendants of the ancient Castilian. Most come from the Canary Islands [22].
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had about 1,081 inhabitants in 1782. In parallel is frustrated by the opposition regia another new facility in the next bay Ocoa driven by engineer Álvarez Barba.Las difficulties by the enforcement authorities to settle the many canaries family contingent that arrived at Santo Domingo in the early 60, which had to be fed until they proceed to implement the foundation, which was a heavy cost to the public purse, turned from Mexico, led the Governor to ask the King Azlor cessation of recruits in 1764, which was endorsed by the Crown. After having distributed the above three years before the founding of San Rafael de la Atalaya and consolidation of Azua, 292 remained in 1763 still awaiting placement. A part of them were distributed in the east to reinforce the settlement of that territory largely empty. We must bear in mind that its distance from the French border was a serious obstacle to the marketing of their products. Only tentatively be launched at the end of the century mining valuable timber [23]. Hence, until the Treaty of Basel the population remained virtually stagnant or had only slight increases.
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Higüey went from 435 inhabitants in 1760 to 508 in 1782, while in El Seibo would increase from 1,757 to 2.209.La Azlor decision was no accident. Coincided with the final consolidation of English rule over the east of the island and the emergence of a policy of trade liberalization in the Indian context as evidenced in the statement of 1765 that allowed the three islands in the Caribbean English unrestricted trade with several English ports .
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The extraordinary impact of migration can be seen in the Canary Islands the fast growth of Santo Domingo between 1740 and 1760 to reach double its population, which passes from the inhabitants 25-30000 to 52-55000, with a greater emphasis on the Canary settlement areas. The average number of members per family was 6'25, high value, but becomes an even greater increase in the island to 8'69 as the highest in Banica. This explains why these areas had a growth of 34 per thousand. Canarian family migration, with its spectacular birth rate was the decisive factor that explains that grow from Santo Domingo manner and reached 100,000 inhabitants in the early 90's the eighteenth century. Not all immigrants were white canaries, and even the Cubans were black, as denounced by the authorities. In 1732, the Governor of Trinidad and Guyana, Bartolomé de Adornate, I would say that these families were included "mulatto and loose women, whose disruptive and burdensome circumstances pregnant much to the new population, being in the light of newly converted Indians in which caused the greatest scandal, despite his wildness. "
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I would say the Holy Crown on Sunday, criticizing it in 1737 was "the Most people wandering and criminal and vicious women and single family without formality. " Note that the Canaries had in the late seventeenth century some slaves and freedmen people and mestizos were numerous in some islands, like Gran Canaria [24]. This migration resulted in a significant population growth clear white or mulatto, who went from being a tiny minority to exceed 30%. Although funded by the Crown migration stopped, the continued unregulated, fueled by economic growth and family ties with those already rooted.
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THE SLOW GROWTH THE CAPITAL AND ITS AREA OF INFLUENCE .
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Available statistics on the capital and the area of \u200b\u200bthe mills, which accounted for the bulk of the slave population of Santo Domingo English we speak of a serious stagnation and even recession. The capital, seat of the Captaincy General of the island, the bishopric, academic institutions, most of the regular and secular clergy and the Caribbean Court and only port of legal trade with the metropolis to free trade, only went from 8,384 inhabitants in 1740 to 10,702 in 1782. So did the Sugar, which had 1,800 in 1772 and was reduced to 952 in 1782. The old Dominican elite was stagnant, undercapitalized, with mills that served only to the domestic supply and a very low center of slaves. A witness in 1765 that the city would say "the truth is the most fertile of all the Windward, only laziness and apathy of the inhabitants remain in poverty. Queen Jamaca and play without the inclusion of gender (...). It is very crowded, there are many men, at least we all want to look, the flows are short, many entail, but poor, they all use of black men and women, which exceeded by more than half the number of targets [ 25]. In 1780 there were only 9 mills and 11 mills. Its strength work was less than 600 men. As demonstrated in the conflicts over land nestled within the jurisdiction of San Carlos, excessive control by the oligarchy was a serious obstacle to the expansion of agriculture. And it must Lescalier in 1764: only thrives in environments cocoa plantations, "recently adopted by certain French fugitives" in such herds landowners. "
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front of them "around some mills are languishing and which leave very few exports." The most notable obstacle is that "this vast land is divided between the main capital lords who exploit them and own them. Thus an individual who wants to settle here has an obligation to buy land that will be sold or rent expensive it is, thus becoming a pure tenant farmer of the owner or lord "[26]
front of them "around some mills are languishing and which leave very few exports." The most notable obstacle is that "this vast land is divided between the main capital lords who exploit them and own them. Thus an individual who wants to settle here has an obligation to buy land that will be sold or rent expensive it is, thus becoming a pure tenant farmer of the owner or lord "[26]
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Crown through the Society of Barcelona and the statement of free trade in 1765 sought to develop commercial traffic between Santo Domingo and the metropolis, but it was not feasible. The reality of the events overlapped. Neither the Dominican south could offer a range of productions, or the local elite was reduced afford to buy the high price of foreign imports transported from Cadiz. Against this the free movement of contraband was evident even in the capital. Ramos is very clear when comparing the different business strategies, "the Catalan Company sells very good paper and ream five pesos and that was made in bad French, but they sell for two dollars and a half and I only had recklessly drawn the cheaper than the shops and buy one only paper you need, but the Catalans have to buy just the whole ream (...). Aumentábaseme fear of seeing me all dressed from head to foot of French goods, those that bring the Guarico bad, as they say, and after some compositions with soldiers from the gates of San Lázaro and Count are introduced in the city and sell in-store advertising (...). There being no other genera in Santo Domingo to France, had no other recourse to not go naked, but was dressed in them and there that sell them in public Shops persuade some tacit consent of the Upper and seeing the same ads that take prize money to go after them and bring them and sell them without the slightest reservation, until the blacks are introduced as they know "[27].
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However, the elite capital city continued to believe that their problem was a shortage of supply of slaves. He looked the picture of prosperity French Santo Domingo and wanted to transfer that model to the southern Dominican Republic, he saw lose weight in a country where expansive areas were the border and El Cibao, totally unrelated to its hegemonic control. Hence it was not coincidence that Southern oligarchy was the standard bearer of black code and saw the revival of the sugar plantation economy of the panacea. It was precisely the council the proposed regulation of slave labor for the first time in 1768, trying to hold them and punish the fugitive slaves, it was mostly from the Santo Domingo French. That attitude was reinforced by a new proposal in 1784. It was believed that liberalization would open a new era is in Santo Domingo, and it was essential to prepare the massive influx of slaves while free blacks forced to work on that plantation agriculture [28]. But obviously the situation in Cuba had nothing to do with the Dominican. The only significant change in the composition of the elite was the settlement of the merchant class families as Saviñón canaria, the Lousell, the Loysell Núñez, the Monteverde or Pitaluga.
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SITE OF THE HEARING, THE REGIMENT FIXED Bishop and UNIVERSITY.
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The capital was first and foremost seat of the Captaincy General of fixed regiment sustained with funds from the set, the audience and most of the clergy. Few listeners linked with Dominican families. Hearing was always a step, to spearhead their promotion in other heavier. Many were in it as little time as they could. But the economic improvement of the Caribbean area, with the rise of Cuba and Venezuela and some recovery in Santo Domingo contributed to expand the capital's lawyers, who lived in the defense of such lawsuits.
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That improvement can be seen in "rebirth" of the same University of Santo Tomas, only after the abolition in 1767 of Gorjón with the expulsion of the Jesuits. His first papers were kept in 1782, 1718, which was demonstrative of the profound decay and internal mismanagement to date. The contrast between the ideological orientation dominica University and the secular clergy, was also in Santo Domingo. Testimony of such disputes among the secular clergy and the Dominicans was the priest's rectory of the Cathedral of Santo Domingo Nicolás Antonio Valenzuela, supported and encouraged by Archbishop Lorenzo Rodríguez.
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control chairs considered key by the Dominicans and the limitations to freedom of thought in the philosophy held by a secular led to it and its secular successors to promote reform. The establishment of a seminar materialized much later reconciled in the last five years of English colonial rule. Archbishop Lorenzo Rodriguez, after finding that the majority of candidates for holy orders had not passed the exam in Latin, had refused to order them. In 1774 the king had proposed the prohibition of teaching the regular clergy, but his request was not accepted. It was symptomatic of this new mentality. In 1778 allowed the establishment of the Theological Seminary in buildings and funds of the Jesuits expelled. Although only opened in 1792, facilitated the opening of a grammar class in 1786 under the regency of Juan Ramón Franco [29].
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With all the clergy was scarce and was overwhelmingly concentrated in the capital. Although the income of the archbishopric had increased from 1,800 pesos to 10,000 annual government Lorenzo Rodriguez, was still unappetizing. His cathedral chapter of 5 dignities, 5 dispensations of mercy and three servings earned very low wages compared with other regions, but much higher than those of the priests. While it was of 1,043 dollars per annum, the average of the priests was between 100 and 180 pesos. In 1739 of 247 priests, 192 residing in the capital. Despite the predominantly secular growth of the regulars, 126 men and 48 women compared to only 73. the shortage of priests in the field was a constant [30].
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capital's exponent of that reality was fixed infantry battalion supported by the located Created in 1738, saw its number of seats to 847. However, it never was completed. Unlike other fittings, which involved boys from Flyway Peninsula and Canary Islands, most of its soldiers were native. So in 1777, 293 were of Jewish descent, the 43'2% compared to 283 English, the 39'68, 182 dollars (20'5) and 45 foreigners. No doubt it was not a target contributed to the English regular troops by relying on a site that do not arrive on time.
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[ 1]. Demorizi RODRÍGUEZ, E. Historical relations of Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo, 1957. Volume III, pp.20-25.
[2]. Archivo General de Indias (AGI) Santo Domingo (SD), 303. Provincial Historic Archive of Las Palmas, Real Audiencia, Book III of the Royal Orders. Real Provision of March 28, 1672. Archivo General de la Nación. Higuey. Open City Council Minutes August 22, 1672, reprod. in POLANCO BRITO, Hugo. Salvaleón history of Higuey. Santo Domingo, 1994. pp.64-66.
[3]. Provincial Historic Archive of Santa Cruz de Tenerife (AHPT) Protocols. GUTIÉRREZ ESCUDERO, A. "New considerations on the Canary immigration in Santo Domingo in the eighteenth century." X Symposium of canary-American History. Las Palmas, 1994. Volume I, pp.455-466. [4]. Deivid, CE Guerrillas black. Fugitives and runaway slaves in Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo, 1989.
[5]. Demorizi RODRÍGUEZ, E. The Age of France in Santo Domingo. Contribution to the study. Santo Domingo, 1955. p.188.
[6]. Demorizi RODRÍGUEZ, E. Historical relations of Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo, 1957. Volume III, p.16. A detailed study of the frontier settlement in HERNÁNDEZ GONZÁLEZ, M. The colonization of the Dominican border (1680-1795). Tenerife, 2005 (in press 2 nd ed. In Santo Domingo, the General National Archive and the Academy of History.
[7]. Cit in "Collection Lugo." Bulletin of the Archivo General de la Nación VIII. Santo Domingo, 1945. p.23.
[8]. AGI, SD 65. Villa de la Concepción de Banica, April 25, 1688. Families consisted Pedro, Pedro Arias, Juan Mendez, Bartolomé de los Reyes, Francisco Esteban, Juan Moreno, Pedro de los Reyes, Blas de los Reyes, Francisco Martín, Juan Matias, Simeon and Peter Gabriel García.
[9]. AGI SD 65. Andres Robles letter, May 15, 1687.
[10]. AGI SD 65. May 21, 1691.
[11]. CHARLEVOIX, PFX History or English island of Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo, 1977. Volume II, p.384.
[12]. DOMINGUEZ, J. "Religion and Slavery in a Canarian community." Symposium XII canario-American History (1996). Las Palmas, 1998. Volume II, pp. 465-480.
[13]. AGI SD 314.
[14]. AGI SD 988. On the demography of the eighteenth century Dominican see GUTIÉRREZ ESCUDERO, A. Population and economy in Santo Domingo (1700-1746). Sevilla, Sevilla 1985 and SOLER, MR Santo Domingo, land border (1750-1795). Sevilla, 1980.
[15]. MACKENZIE, C. Notes on Haiti made DURING a residence in That republic. London, 1971. Vol 1. pp.213-214.
CASSA, R. Social and economic history of the Dominican Republic. Santo Domingo, 1989. TomoI.RODRÍGUEZ Demorizi, E. La Era de France ... p. 171.
BAUD, M. "The emergence of a native peasantry. Tobacco production in English, 1500-1870. " Ecos No. 5. Santo Domingo, 1996. pp.9-40.
GUTIÉRREZ
ESCUDERO, A. "The snuff in Santo Domingo and export to Sevilla (colonial era)."
In VILLAR VILA, E. Kueth, AJ Power relations and colonial trade. New perspectives. Sevilla, 1999. pp.117-142.
[16]. On the reestablishment of Puerto Plata see Rodriguez Demorizi, E. New foundation of Puerto Plata. Santo Domingo, 1975.
[17]. AGI SD 988.
[18]. Demorizi RODRÍGUEZ, E. French travelers in Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo, 1979. pp. 29 and 83.16. AGI SD 979. May 31, 1768.
[20]. National Archives of Cuba (ANC). Audiencia de Santo Domingo. Leg. 56 n º 8.
[21]. AGI SD 988.
[22]. Demorizi RODRÍGUEZ, E. Travelers ... pp.24-25.
[23]. HERNÁNDEZ GONZÁLEZ, M. "Daily life in a village of huts, in the seventeenth Higüey yXVIII." Clio. Santo Domingo, 2003.
WIDMan SENNHAUSER, R. "The century Higuey XVIII. The beginnings of the logging industry in Santo Domingo (1780-1800). " Social Studies. Santo Domingo, 2001. Pp 62-78.
[24]. AGI, Santo Domingo, 648 and 1020.
HERNÁNDEZ GONZÁLEZ, M. "The other Canary emigration to America: blacks and mulattoes, free and slave (1670-1820)." Revista de Historia Canaria n º 184. La Laguna, 2002. Pp.181-198.
In 1677 Las Palmas created a militia company of free blacks, "of which there are many on this island" under the command of "a free black and Christian old, Juan Felipe Liria ", originally de Tirajana, where," since the conquest of the island are kept free blacks much truth and faithfulness. " We found 648 blacks, that "the mulatto slaves, natives and newcomers were a total of 6,478."
[25]. MARRERO RAMOS, MA Journey to the West Indies. Editing and critical study of Manuel Hernández González (in press).
[26]. Demorizi RODRÍGUEZ, E. Travelers ... pp. 15-16.
[27]. MARRERO RAMOS, MA Cit.25 Op.
LUCENA Salmoral, M. The black codes of English America. Alcalá, 1996.
BARCELÓ Malagon, J. Caroline black code (1784. Code of government legislation for the moral, political and economic development of blacks in the English. Santo Domingo, 1974.
[29]. Cipriano de Utrera. University of Santiago de la Paz and St. Thomas Aquinas. Santo Domingo, 1932. Pp 448-449.
HERNÁNDEZ GONZÁLEZ, M. "Enlightenment and University of Santo Domingo during the second half of the eighteenth century." Flachs In DE VERA , MC University and Enlightenment in America. New perspectives. Córdoba (Argentina), 2002. pp.57-72.
30. Memén PÉREZ, F. Church and State in Santo Domingo (1700-1853). Santo Domingo, 1997. pp.33, 36 and 50-51.
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