Monday, July 31, 2006

Nipple Point Of Actss Bhama

4-77 TERESITA MARTINEZ-VERGNE / INTERVIEW





.
Teresita Martínez-Vergne, PhD,
Univertsity of Texas at Austin, USA.
Author of book:
.
"NATION AND CITIZEN IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC, 1880-1916"
.
" is surprising that it took so long for the Dominican historiography come to take its rightful place alongside the other American countries "
TMV.
(Teresita Martínez-Vergne just put into service in the United States the book "Nation and Citizen in the Dominican Republic, 1880-1916 "and was immediately contacted for this interview from Madrid, Spain, Rocío Rodríguez-Reyes. The author is a distinguished scholar born in Puerto Rico who has spent his career teaching and research in the United States. As indicated its title, the book was written in English. Of course we look forward to the relevant English-language edition).
.
Interview
.
Rocío Rodríguez-Reyes:
How did the idea to write this book?
.
Teresita Martínez-Vergne:
This book stems from my experience researching and writing Shaping the Discourse on Space for several years. I realized then that control the space in which subaltern groups could act was another way to restrict their actions in a political way, in the sense that has to do with the exercise of power. From this, to build citizenship ideologically had a very short distance. Dominican investigative entered my picture because I've always thought that the Hispanic Caribbean is repeated, as he says Antonio Benítez Rojo, and for that reason there is much to learn using comparative methods. Having already written for years about Puerto Rico and denied entry to Cuba, I went to taste Quisqueya, the beautiful.
.
What were your starting hypotheses or questions?
.
I looked for signs of nationality according to express different social groups at the time of the death of Lilís allowed to rethink the trajectory of the country. There were several books on this subject for other countries in Latin America, and all showed great conflicts between the expectations of the upper class and the aspirations of men and women of working class. My surprise in the Dominican Republic was to find the bourgeois values \u200b\u200bof the elite (the inviolability of private property, the value of education, work ethic, the obsession with honor) within the working class.
.
How does the search for information? Did you visit Santo Domingo for this purpose? What he found there not looking for (regarding the subject of the book)?
.
I went to Santo Domingo many times between 1994 and 2003, and lived there for seven months in 1996. Several friends historians, notably Robert Cass and Raymundo González, guided me in the Archivo General de la Nation, where I consulted magazines and books, and documents of the municipalities of San Pedro de Macoris and Santo Domingo.
.
This type of research can be very boring, reports on the distribution of urban land, lists of stray animals, discussions on the collected Garbage, complaints about the lack of teachers, until one comes across a story that gives color to the urban life of the working class that has so far been studied from an institutional perspective.
.
This is the case with, for example, documentation on the breaking of the engagement between Lucila Abreu and Manuel Ortiz, whose separation and division of property ended up being public events and outrageous. The lives rebuilt in my book I very much like the lives of the people among whom I lived during my stay in the capital.
.
His research focused, it seems, in the study of the cities of Santo Domingo and San Pedro de Macoris (not in Santiago de los Caballeros second largest city). What sociological characteristics found in the former than the latter did not find?
.
The reason to focus on San Pedro de Macoris and Santo Domingo is one born and one was reborn in the wake of the departure of the sugar industry. Santiago, the stately city, did not seem the ideal place to study modern notions of citizenship.
.
Broadly speaking, how would the Dominican society in the late nineteenth century?
.
Broadly speaking and in two words, in transition. Of course, no society is static. I do believe that the convergence of several circumstances (political openness, progress in education, economic development) contributed greatly to the idea that it was time to move beyond the obstacles of the past and look toward a promising future, the aptly called "discourse of progress."
.
What were the core ideas (inclusion / exclusion) that supported the notion of nation / citizenship "of the urban elite Dominican early twentieth century?
.
The European definition was bourgeois, and was based on the enlightened ideas of the late eighteenth century. It favored the right to property, freedom of expression, the value of education, access to the labor market, and political participation, among other things. Insofar as citizens to exercise these powers, the country and each of the individuals composing the nation saw on the road to modernity.
.
In everyday relationships, do you perceive any particular tension between "Dominican" and people of color and / or Haitian? Could it get any evidence?
.
Yes, like today. The adjective "black" is applied exclusively to Haitians, Dominicans when the same color. The social construction of race is something that interests me a lot. In our countries, a "white out" and get social status according to level of education, the family name, their behavior, the money you have. It is troubling that color, a quality so subjective, is used to calculate the value of a full persona.En debate today, is the definition (re-definition) of the "Dominicans", by our intellectuals.
.
What would, in their opinion, the necessary elements to end to form this definition? What aspects "cohere" have been (are still) missing? How to integrate diversity and representation of common objectives?
.
The Dominicans, any concept of nationality is, I seem somewhat fluid, which is suitable for applications that society, various levels of it, want to give at any time in history. The day is fixed or concretized, never to change, never come, and thankfully, in my opinion. One of the most interesting aspects of my research is the notion of national identity as a creation of different social groups with their respective agendas and interests defined, conflicting or collaborating with other groups, deliberately or unconsciously.
.
I think the concept of "ethno-nation," as Frances Negrón-Montaner used to refer to the Puerto Rican population has been established in the United States, applies equally to the Dominican exodus, including Europe, in recent years. According to this historian, where they are Puerto Ricans, Dominicans and by extension, on the island or abroad, has little to do with his ability to be understood as part of the national community Puerto Rican (or Dominican).
.
Do you continue to address the Dominican elite, a century later, "divorced" from reality?
.
Only in the sense that is not recognized, because it is not, there are many social forces contributing to definitions that any dominant group wanted total control. The Dominicans made every day, not imposed from above and once and for all.
.
Do you think there is a greater social cohesion, a better defined idea of \u200b\u200b"being Dominicans during the first half of the nineteenth century, while the Dominican society was still basically rural? How did this concept during the process of urbanization and industrialization from the end of the century?
.
Good question. I do not think there are two Dominicans, one rural and one urban, one behind the other modern, democratic one another strongman, one traditional the other contemporary. I think the same conflicts, the same divisions, existed and exist in one and the other, if that should or can be distinguished. The notion of modern citizenship, bourgeois, and Western was in Santo Domingo and San Pedro de Macoris presented, as similar concepts in the field, differences of class, race and gender that existed and exist in environments urban and rural.
.
In recent years we have seen an unprecedented interest from researchers and American professors in the study of our history and the construction and the conflicts in our society, as expressed in books such as "Why the cocks fight? " of M. Wucker, "Race and Politics in the Dominican Republic" by Ernesto Sagas, "The dictator next door: The good neighbor policy and the Trujillo Regime in Dominican Republic" by Eric Roorda, et cetera. What is that? Dominican society Is an "outlier" in the historical and sociological on the region?
.
is surprising that it took so long for the Dominican historiography come to take its rightful place beside the other American countries. These authors mention (and many more, both Americans and Dominicans) studied same processes, the same personalities, others in Latin America. And for some reason, there has never been a conversation, an exchange in both directions between the Dominican Republic and the rest of Latin America in the writings coming out of the United States.
.
Dominican is not an anomaly, is another example, with different circumstances, in the same historical trajectory we observe in the rest of America. These recent studies, like previous ones, serve us well to Latin American scholars to make comparisons, and thus better understand the processes and events characterize our country. Given the quality of collective scholarly work that originates in Dominciana, there is nothing that I explain to me why the interest is recent, as you well note, and not historical.
.
------
Teresita Martínez-Vergne, PhD.
Curriculum Vitae:

-----
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Julia Roberts Spotted Dress In Pretty Woman

Cristina Huerta / Poem Seven

28/03/1906 / veins 3-76



CRISTINA HUERTA,
POEM

Seven


I Take my hand, stone
asymmetric
full of passion,
my hand, take
scars.

II
Enseñoréate of my eyes, lethargic
of a restless,
ready to swing in the line of bird
just convened.

III
Get lost in the boundless space between your hand and my eyes, my eyes
and firmness of your hand, lost
the time you spend serving the idea and Aset
the lightness of mind that I missed the man and you,
the width of the mold that covers me and I regained
asphalt crown me.

IV
Enervated what was hard,
the essence of things wasted.

V
mediatinta Conch and lame your eyes, absorb
your hands, you
flavored coffee bath martyr
the sinews of my tongue pours smoothness
on the marble cracking.

VI
agrees I always ignored,
becomes what you know best.


VII Feel free,
and not bet the imperative, feel free
,
already knew,
'm all ears and skull, obsequiousness
regained,
lost.

Cristina Huerta (pictured above, right.) Is a very young writer belonging to the generation of new millennium. She has written stories and poems of undeniable literary quality, some of which have already been inserted in previous editions of this magazine. She studies the career of filmmaking at the Universidad Autonoma de Santo Domingo. We wish her great contributions to Dominican literature.

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How Do Write A Letter Of Interest For A Sorority

POEM OF LOVE FOR MISS / César Zapata

27/03/2006
CESAR ZAPATA,
POEM


Love Poem to miss


It was then discovered the body decoration.
Right sleep at night and licked up the longing wings
I put on the pulse without beating of another shadow.
went along, hand flag goodbye is defeated.
Climb to the top of the broken bones
and leave the clothes there from the beginning:
Oh, the happiness that peed on my shoes.
much horror can enjoy this wind sway over hosts trampled.
And meet your day the frog jumps to another branch.
A look through the cracks result from the shock,
is awaiting expected to take
As sclerosis correcting the course of hours.
Do not stop at the mouth of the lost,
hear Do not think, just dance in your mosaic sado,
That a river of bodies push your ghost to their destination.
The festival will last until the next move
the open p OSSIBILITIES to stay anointed
the sad eyes of a traffic light. There
bad night to eat sweets thrown by the moon
And mourn that thou then the screaming to die.
there sobbing with nails digging into the body
And happy dance with the blood of our own hearts.
But do not stop, still looking out the window that opened
A kiss made of meat,
still sharpening your claws against the fall broken tenderness.
settle in the way is the meaning of your life
Claimed by the dead of fear that is your image. Written
biography of these rotten fruits
is not just jump the guardrail, sinking in the throes,
Joining the city .-

César Zapata is a writer and poet Dominican -----



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Landline Phone Convert To Cell Phone

Edic. 4-77 HISTORY OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA (II) THE APPROXIMATION

HISTORY OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA.
.
economic resuscitation. First autochthonous features. (1700-1808)
.
For Lic Luis Acosta Brehal
. Introduction
.

Since its founding in 1515, the town and then city of Santiago de Cuba experienced a boom period of several decades, various factors were to collapse, until the transfer of the capital of the colony to Havana. Thus, from mid-sixteenth century and throughout the seventeenth century the city lived in a state of profound stupor, barely disturbed, for their benefit, "the forced depopulation Gonaibes, the English conquest of Jamaica, and a cyclone with rain caused flooding which closed tows navigating the Cauto River, with much of the smuggling of Bayamo came to be held in Santiago .

Notwithstanding these misfortunes were used for centuries in the Santiago area is constituted a patrician oligarchy owns the mechanisms of power in their environment, ie the council and whose influence could not escape the English departmental authority. Moreover, as critical as the social structure consisted of the territory: the rich oligarchs and businessmen mostly Creole English officials, and the bishop and the clergy members of the cathedral chapter, as privileged sector. The rest of the population was composed of poor whites, mulattos and free blacks, almost all devoted to agriculture, and of course the slaves, blacks and mulattos, some of whom served their owners as domestic servants.

The economy is very poor, was based on the extensive exploitation of the land in large cattle ranches with low use of livestock, subsistence agriculture and trade in contraband mostly generated little profit, and therefore did not result the formation of large capital invested in economic growth. For James, the contraband trade and outlined important links with other Caribbean lands or colonies of Spain, as well as human and cultural exchanges that have particular meaning centuries later. Suffice to say that as evidenced by the colonial archives, and since then it was common for Santiago, Dominican, Jamaican and other Caribbean islanders lived longer or shorter periods in either island.

regional colonial government. The oligarchy Santiago and the failure of their developmental aspirations.

In the eighteenth century, opens to Santiago a period of accumulation of forces extends well roughly 1790, and was born in Spain the dynasty faced with the need to modernize the late English state and its colonial system. With French support, should also face the league in Portugal, England and Austria, who wanted to restore the English throne to the Austrian dynasty. (1) This was the War of Succession.
Bourbon
governmental activity was characterized, among other things, for its systematic policy of centralization of power, extended to the colonies. In October 1729 Colonel Pedro Ignacio Jimenez took over the government's Department to implement the policy provisions of Bourbon. Therefore prohibited the council land grants and urban lots, tried to apply rigorously the monopoly of snuff, to prevent smuggling, etc. all of which gave him the enmity of the oligarchy. (2) also caused a serious conflict with the slaves of El Cobre in 1731 by pretending to submit to his will, which led to the insubordination of those slaves.
Santiago
The council continually complained to the King of the actions of their governor, supported the bishop complaints Pedro Agustín Morell de Santa Cruz. It was alleged that widespread discontent could be exploited by the British from the nearby Jamaica to wrest Cuba from Spain, and the crown, down this way and needed the support of the oligarchy to maintain its colonial power, preferred to sacrifice his deposed governor in 1734. This was a triumph of the oligarchy Santiago against the centralizing policy of the Bourbons, demonstration of force in the territory, based on its 600 grants and corrals herds in the dependence on them were tenant farmers in his domain the council, etc.

However, the government of Peter I. Jimenez was the beginning of the slow but progressive decline of oligarchic power, as evidenced by the fact that since lost the right to grant land. The monarchy also confirmed the dependence of Santiago de Cuba to the Captain General, so that the oligarchy, eager to more space and opportunities for development, called the King's conversion Captaincy General of the Department, request rejected inter alia because of strong opposition from the oligarchy of Havana.

Despite losing power, the oligarchy kept control of the Cabildo, its economic prominence, social and cultural, and even gained access to important positions of the apparatus of colonial government. The

marriages strengthened its alliance with governors and officials, as well as the Church and Hall. In keeping with its prominence, begins to worry about their cultural status, and their children are sent to study in Havana and Spain, as well as Mexico.

Moreover, the centralizing policy of the Bourbons more capable governors required for the performance of their duties. At this level governments stand Cagigal Francisco Antonio de la Vega (1738-1746), Brigadier Alonso Arcos y Moreno (1746-1754), and Fernando Cagigal (1763-1769). Somewhat later, include the governments of Nicolas de Arredondo (1782-1788), Brigadier Juan Bautista Vaillant (1788-1796), Mexican Colonel Juan Nepomuceno Quintana (1796-1798), Brigadier Limonta Isidro Santiago (1798-1799), and Sebastian Kindelan (1799-1810). Everyone strove to implement the policy centralization of the Bourbons, but trying not to conflict with the oligarchy, which mostly consisted of Creoles. For that led to smuggling, supported the demands and requests of the rich Santiago King, opposed the trade monopoly of Havana, defended trade with Cartagena and other ports of the mainland and the Caribbean, fought against trade barriers, self-claimed obtain slave labor, denounced the abusive tax that hindered trade and production, etc. In the last five of those officers are known as illustrated, among other reasons because of its link with the most advanced of the local oligarchy, eager to changes would lead to progress.
.
Nicolas Arredondo, promoted the creation of the Royal Economic Society of Friends of the Country, which since its founding in 1787 developed a substantial work to promote the publication of a newspaper, the study of medicinal plants, the introduction of new crops and farming techniques , improvements in education, the use of lithography, the approach to science and new ways of thinking. (3)
. All these governors
addressed to improve the situation of the city with buildings of higher quality and excellence, both civil and religious and administrative, communications were improved especially with Bayamo, improved the management of the Department, established schools and charitable institutions, strengthened defenses and improved conditions of stay of the troops, strengthened the militias, is paved streets and improved street lighting, improved port conditions Square Arms and the building of the Cabildo or town hall, government and prison, faced with a proliferation of gambling and other vices, etc.
All this period was slow growth in the first decades, but accelerated in the end, the period during which the country enjoyed the illustrated work of Bishop Peter A. Morell de Santa Cruz, promoter of culture and crafts, initiator introducer or economic lines as apiculture and cultivation of coffee. Also at this time Santiago benefited from the enlightened and liberal thought and activity of Nicolas Joseph de Ribera, born in Santiago de Cuba in 1724, staunch supporter of the aspirations of achievement of territory and Cuba. (4)
.
Still, the city and its territory was still in the eighteenth century quite poor, which is why the Church to the King managed the transfer of the bishop's palace in Havana, where the tithes would be more abundant. In light of the realities of the island in 1789 the crown divided into two bishoprics with offices in Havana and Santiago de Cuba. (5)
.
This poverty could not be defeated by the developmental efforts of the oligarchy. For example, the idea and proposed to colonize the area Nipe Bay, which could be used as a port well placed to compete in the trade routes north of Santiago de Cuba create a commercial company monopolistic in character to compete in the Caribbean trade, or the idea of \u200b\u200bcolonizing the region of Santa Catalina, (Guantanamo) with a good port and a major salt production, were projects none of which prospered, despite the support and management of the Cabildo, and governors as Charles Sucre and Juan de Hoyos Solórzano. Collided with the disinterest of the crown, the opposition of the Captains General of Havana oligarchy, of the Royal Society of Commerce of Havana (founded in 1740), and lack of capital. In addition, the absence or smallness of the located was another obstacle. (6)

Economic Developments. external influences.

The War of Succession led to the then provincial governor Juan Baron de Chaves, seize the assets of the Portuguese entry for the slave trade, a business that Spain gave in 1702 to the Company of Guinea French nationality, which established a factory in Santiago de Cuba. In 1713, the business passed to the English named Company of the South Seas, which kept the factory Santiago for about 25 years. (7)
.
This factory allowed the oligarchy saw its long-standing demand satisfied on the cheap and easy acquisition of slaves, necessary for economic development and the production of sugar. Growth was slow but the lack of market demand, since the primary: England and France had their needs met with the production of their own colonies. The legal trade to be had with the mainland ports demanded little sugar if the good prices paid. For this, and the lack of capital, industry sugar was maintained with slow-growing, technically backward, with poor organization of slave labor, unproductive and expensive. Could not be as elsewhere, the drive motor of the economy despite the availability of labor.
.
companies not only had the right to bring and sell slaves, but they were allowed to enter and gender clothes destined for the factory, so they used to conceal an active contraband trade with merchants of Barbados, Jamaica and the Thirteen Colonies.
.
Competing with the British company was also associated with the English company called Santiago Guipuzcoana Caracas in addition to smuggling, had the advantage of being able to perform the legal trade and to provide armed protection to trade by offering better prices for buying and selling. The activity of both companies was beneficial to Santiago, as trade increased legal and illegal business were handsomely rewarded, and of magnitude higher than usual, to the delight of the oligarchy. This resulted in a higher money supply, growth of the domestic market and craft production, which was consolidated and began to create a tradition and style, tailored to the conditions of life and culture that emerged in the city.
. Little economic improvement
that experienced population growth and encouraged him, the production of minor crops, vegetables, eggs, and poultry within the traditional subsistence economy.
.
The important line of livestock kept his features, but increased sales of hides, tallow, and salted meat. Jamaica began with the sale of livestock.

In the first 70 years of the eighteenth century was the most dynamic economic sector trade-legal or illegal, always linked to privateering. Legally developed with Jamaica and Saint Domingue, when there was no war with England or France, and was advantageous prices, quality and variety of goods were obtained, and not infrequently re-exported to Porto Bello, Cartagena, Santa Marta, the Gulf of Honduras, Campeche and the Caribbean islands. It also traded with Cuba and Spain. But this limited legal trade was unstable due to frequent wars that dismantle trade relations and the fleet system. Furthermore, the monopoly Havana, often prevented the arrival in Santiago of ships in the fleet for this city, to the point that in 1719 the Santiago Cabildo complained to the King for eleven years had not been received ship registration on this port. (8)

Nevertheless, Santiago de Cuba had a significant improvement if compared to the situation in earlier centuries, advances that took a leading role pirate activity, linked to trade and smuggling abundant (9).
.
During the wars, pirate ships used against the enemies of Spain, also made the trade when they could. Merchant ships on their part when they could also be engaged in privateering. Privateering actions were a big deal because with little expense could get a rich booty in goods, money, slaves, etc.. which benefited the pirate captain, the shipowner or the ship finance, and government. The Corsican allowed part of the rulers of the city to increase their fortunes. (10)

In 1704 during the War of Succession, Santiago outputs two frigates, manned mostly by volunteers under the command of the departmental governor, attacked the British islands of Providencia and Siguatey in the Bahamas and returned with a huge booty. The success was so great and sounded, that reward the King Felipe V granted the city in 1712 and shield the title of Very Noble and Loyal (11).

for 1747 were well known pirate captains Francisco Santiago Veranes Bartholomew Valladon, Vicente López, Pedro Acosta, Luis Pavon and Joseph Gonzalez, (12) featured in the War of Jenkins' Ear began in October 1739, lasting until 1748.

The main stage of the war with England was the Caribbean Sea, and had a strong impact on the city of Santiago de Cuba for several reasons. Among them, the wealth brought by their privateers, which led to its being this time the happiest of Cuba. For example in 1740 captured two rich cargoes and over a hundred prisoners. (13)

war also led to the Governor of the Department, Francisco Cagigal deal to strengthen the defenses of the city. Repaired and improved the castle of El Morro and La Estrella, built breastworks, trenches, and towers on the coast and nearby beaches as Sawmill and Guajaibón; the trenches and parapets Water-carriers were converted into a fortress and built artillery battery and Cabins (14).
The British for their part renewed the plan to take over Cuba, starting with Santiago de Cuba, which in Jamaica 5 000 enlisted men and 57 ships under Admiral Vermont and General Wentworth. In 1741 he blockaded the port of Santiago de Cuba as the troops landed in the vicinity of Guantanamo, where advanced on Santiago. Cagigal

enlisted militias and all available troops, volunteers handed out weapons, reinforced the garrison of the forts, called for reinforcements to the rest of the island and formed several detachments, with which made a continuous harassment of the invading forces landed as effective, forcing British troops to return to their starting point-Guantanamo, where the general Wentworth built a fortified camp with the name of New Cumberland. They settled in waiting for reinforcements, and continually harassed by the detachments of Cagigal.

Meanwhile, Santiago pirates increased their attacks on communication lines and British trade, forcing the fleet to disperse to protect them, and loosen the blockade of Santiago.

The suffering heavy casualties and lack of supplies and reinforcements to the forces put in a position Wentworth difficult after four months in soil, so they were forced to retreat, defeated by the forces of Cagigal.

During the war, between 1739 and 1742 to England privateers caused losses of 31 million pounds, most of them by the Santiago de Cuba, privateering that also concealed a large smuggling (15).

For Cagigal successes was promoted and appointed Captain General in 1746 and replaces Alonso Arcos y Moreno, who faced a new British attack in 1747, when the forces of Charles James Knowles tried to win with an attack by sea on 9 April and another land on 10, having to retire in two cases with severe losses (16).
.
Cagigal from the Captaincy General, and closely linked to the oligarchy then habanera and shareholders of the Royal Society of Trade, became a staunch enemy of contraband trade, accelerated the implementation of centralization, limited the freedoms of the eastern oligarchy , and issued various taxes and measures, which seriously harmed the mighty Santiago and territory. This provoked strong protests from the council claiming the damages suffered this city, was reported to the Royal Society for the wrongs caused to the city and its agricultural area, and how producers of snuff abandoning the crop for the same policy. It was explained that the failure of the Royal Society to not supply them with goods and slaves forced to smuggling, etc. The crown, not wishing to alienate the oligarchy and eastern Santiago, attended part of their claims and ordered the sale of 500 slaves in Santiago de Cuba (17).

protests could not prevent the continued strengthening of political centralization and the resulting loss of prominence of the oligarchy, and even if smuggling continued, the aspirations of an independent and rapid economic growth were not realized.
.
prominent party policy centralization was the modernization and strengthening the finances of the English state. They resorted to various measures to increase revenues in a process that lasted several decades and ended with the development of The Real Estate around 1760. These measures include the composition, whereby the land grants that were owned by the King, were sold to their beneficial owners. This was established capitalist ownership of the land, and removed the tax on the Wheel.
. The Real Estate
modernized meant greater order and clarity in the tax system, decreasing the number of taxes and easier to trade and productive work.

The June 11, 1766 the city suffered an earthquake roughing, followed by an epidemic of smallpox and yellow fever. At the beginning of the decade of 1770 the city is recovering from these disasters, and the oligarchy continues to fight for improvements. It shows the validity of petitions to the king, who made the trustee of the Cabildo Dr. Thomas Creach the January 30, 1775, which alleges that the city has an important port located in an advantageous position, a large neighborhood, a trade involving English vessels and other nations, fertile land and abundant timber supplies, high production of sugar, grains, fruits and livestock. Add the snuff exported was worth 150 thousand pesos, etc. (18).

Judging by these approaches can be said that the city and its surroundings have conditions and economic potential for growth. In fact, until this decade, growth has been relatively large compared with previous centuries, it has grown in livestock production, sugar, agricultural production in general, and joined an item: the snuff, that despite the obstacles monopolistic the crown and the Royal Society, was important, especially because sustained economic activity of a large group of small and medium farmers, tenants or owners of the land.
. For this decade
sugar production is by small mills and sugar mills, subject to the vagaries of prices in 70 have a downward trend due to lower production costs of the British and French colonies. Low prices, high taxes and high cost of slave labor, prevent the oligarchy capitalize.

When signing a new peace with England in 1763, establishing a new monopoly in the slave trade, the business given the seat of the General Company of Negros, which sells its goods at high prices. This, coupled with the low productivity of slave labor and expense representing its maintenance, increased the tendency already existed in the east, to make them tenants.
. Meanwhile
livestock production improved by switching from extensive to intensive farming through the use of pastures, and increased the number of men engaged in the care of cattle which was then more systematically. This change leads to the division of large properties into smaller herds, pastures or farms producing for the supply of the city and the amount of slaves. Agricultural production tends to diversify with a modest advance of beekeeping and the production of coffee.

In 1783 a new war with England, the independence of the Thirteen Colonies, and the Industrial Revolution brought about great changes and challenges in the slave trade, serious difficulty for the oligarchy, who repeatedly demanded the crown freedom of trafficking. In 1783 the King approved the purchase of slaves in the French colonies, and in 1789 decreed that free trade is free or slave, (19) important step in breaking the English trade monopoly. The open question was used to protect an intense smuggling ship Santiago, which in other ports and buy a few slaves engaged in an intense sale of goods, which also occurred with ships of other nations, arrived in Santiago (20).
.
Legal or illegal trade growing outside, but not the case with the interior. The shortage of small denomination coins, small located for Santiago and other factors limited the domestic market, despite the existence of numerous grocery stores, taverns, craft workshops, and shops scattered throughout the city, which joined sellers street that filled with their cries. The market fell into crisis into 1781 and the authorities had to put into circulation 30 000 pesos in copper coins of the time Cagigal government, and they were taken out of circulation when you put it to use the strong peso, equivalent to four real (21). The following year he had to put coins in circulation cardboard, playing cards or cards in France, which became known as the currencies of need, and soon were forged and led to heavy speculation. (22) These facts show that the territory's economy, although growing, is also facing serious difficulties , so that the allegations to the King to demand reforms did not stop. Pressed by them, and forced by the rapid consolidation in Europe of capitalism and its Industrial Revolution, even by force in some regions of the peninsula took capitalism, the English state was forced-beyond what their supposed centralizing policy, "to modernize its economy and its relations with the colonies, various measures that meant in practice breaking the monopoly of trade, among which are the creation of the Inspectorate of Finance, the elimination in 1767 of the Royal Society of Trade, the port of Santiago permission to trade directly with Spain 1778, etc. (23).
.
The cumulative effect of these measures was evident in the last 20 years of the eighteenth century. Foreign trade and domestic production is stimulated each other, and the economy took the path of producing for foreign markets, reduce smuggling, despite high taxes on products not English, and the activity of the Inspectorate of Finance facilitated business.
These positive factors should not lead to the illusion of a big economic boom for the area. Rather it is that they help to confirm the economic potential territorial. The real situation portrays Dr. Joaquín Osés of Alzua and cooperation, archbishop of Santiago de Cuba in the King Report November 1794, part of which reads: [...] having achieved
Havana for many aid increase and greatness, if any further part, Cuba looked sadly destroyed and destroyed, might be thought by those who have addressed the interests of the island, that Havana could not win without losing Cuba, or could not that enrich, not impoverish this pretending to lift a self-grandeur or the ruin of another, without taking over they can not lose the parts without losing the whole of which is made without considering that if a party gets too big, even if the head, if all the blood goes, and the body fixa it is apoplectic, the whole machine breaks down and dies. (24)

The region's own development, changes in English policy, market access Caribbean American nation, the influences of the Industrial Revolution and the bourgeois revolution in France, and particularly the effects of the Haitian Revolution, to join in Santiago territory there is a real explosion in economic growth.

The conflict in Haiti has created a void in the market for sugar and coffee in favor of the Cuban oligarchy and Santiago. Also caused, "and among other things, a strong French Haitian immigration to eastern Cuba, especially in Santiago de Cuba and its immediate vicinity, those who arrived in several waves between 1791 and 1803, established here a large number of them, which some sources put at 30 000. (25) in this issue include slaves brought by their owners. Immigration was a quality, integrated by large landowners and merchants, experienced administrators, doctors, good craftsmen, technicians, employees, farmers, etc. many people of good culture, expertise, and experience in management and organization of agricultural and commercial enterprises, according to capitalist practices.
.
Several effects occurred in the immediate and mediate the arrival of immigrants: the increasing population and consumption for the benefit of both the domestic market, strengthening the reactionary ideology they were mostly enemies of the Revolution and abolitionism, a renovating cultural influence and a powerful boost to the economy of the city and its surroundings, which led Further breakdown of old customs in the field of social, utilitarian-minded, entrepreneurial and nimble.

Sebastian Kindelan, Governor of the Department, supported the establishment of immigrants and gave them all the facilities that could, managed and got the crown by fiscal measures to benefit their businesses than they began. Those who have money, "not many-as Luis de Belle, Wanton, Prudencio Casamayor, and others bought land. For example, Casamayor Real Estate bought the individual and a good amount of land in the district of Lemons, which divided in batches of 10 horses, and leased to other immigrants less fortunate. It was a new constitution in 1803 the company or companies to acquire land. Luis de Belle Garde created one that bought land in Santa Catalina (Guantanamo), and each member received a batch of 20 horses to exploit to their liking. Other lots up to 130 horses were leased for the common benefit of members. These companies issued shares to be sold even in Europe, reselling land, etc. (26).

Land purchased by the immigrants were concerned primarily with the production of coffee, sugar cane, and to a lesser extent cotton and indigo . These farms are by the use of modern techniques and the intensive and better organized as slave labor. The tenant farmers coffee beans delivered to the large landowners as payment of rent or for sale, and they shall bow to the milling process and marketed.

These coffee farms managed the launch of the territorial economy, as productive explosion occurred since 1800. So between 1795 and 1805 coffee production increased 10 times (27).
. The Haitian French
also used as a smuggling spot and Sawmill Baitiquirí. Important
fortunes began
to form in these years and raised large estates and stately homes such as Providence, Isabel, Prosperity, Sidonie, Fortune, etc. In the mountains of the Gran Piedra, northeast of Santiago de Cuba, wealth and luxury appeared based on slave labor.

In a lesser extent, the Haitian French also succeeded in producing sugar. In the mills that bought or where promoting, improving and intensifying the slave labor, applying fertilizer use, technical improvements that made the industry more efficient, etc. Mills as Veguitas, Tale Dream, Santa Cruz, Cuabitas, Loma de Quintero, Cuaba, Sweet Potato, and others, gave significant profits.

production for the international market led to improvements in navigation and seafaring trade and port development. The exploitation of land further away from the city or in places of difficult access led to the development of communication channels through which to bring supplies to large plantations and remove their production to the city and harbor.
The presence of French Haitian opened in Santiago de Cuba, the plantation economy, but it was not coffee and sugar, as in the rest of Cuba, where he further developed.

Santiago Society and culture .

In the eighteenth century society Santiago reached full maturity, are completely defined by their classes and social groups, as well as the differences between them and place of each in society. The oligarchy continues and confirms its social prominence, economic, political, and cultural. The council remains under its control, including access to certain jobs or positions in the colonial administration of the Department. Marriages by strengthening its political and economic links with governors, senior officials and officers of the colonial army.

However, centralizing policy doggedly pursued by the English government, little was holding this little oligarchy the rule of law, peninsular state guidelines. Therefore, although not lost his privileges as a class, gradually lost freedom of action that occurred in the past when the monarchy just dealt with this territory.

Moreover, the class sought to confirm its dominance through its cultural promotion, eagerness at which many children of rich studied in Havana, Spain, Mexico, and Europe, returning to the city to carry out more effectively its preponderance class.
. Politically
felt English and were loyal to the crown, but being mostly Creoles was strong and in them the feeling of belonging to the territory, the concept of homeland was essentially Santiago de Cuba, the land they were born and where they own land, mills and refineries, livestock, housing, etc.., ie, where lie factors that enable their privileges, their social position. It was the feeling of Patria Chica patrilocality or developed mainly in this century, although loyalty to Spain.

As part of the oligarchy and its ideological power and high culture, was the clergy, closely linked to the rest of this social group by relationship since many were Creoles. In the important ecclesiastical council had children or family members most illustrious of the city.

forming a smaller group, but most proud and jealous of its prerogatives, were the English themselves, those who held government posts, were officers of the garrison, landowners, big merchants, or ecclesiastical. They were a strong group of power with the Creole oligarchy.
.
elite in this society only had white. Different was the case with middle-class group or society, in which were white, brown, and black in some cases. This segment of society whose number grew relatively quickly in tune with economic growth, particularly in the domestic market, was comprised of Creoles and peninsular, professionals, merchants, merchant ships officers, junior officers of the troops, to-do peasants, etc.
Even within the freemen, was the largest group of whites, descendants of Indians, mulattoes and blacks, which was the sector of the poor, engaged in farming as tenants or owners of small plots, agricultural workers, foremen and or plantations and herds, hunters, craftsmen, sailors, porters, bartenders, shopkeepers, Reggeatoneros, tailors, foremen, laborers, soldiers, laborers, apprentices, street vendors, and others. (28) In this class there was a small poor number Catalan immigrants engaged in trade, some of which, thanks to the sustained hard work, "come to enrich and give good education to their children, creating families of popularity and prestige. (29)
The numerous slave-black mulattoes, "were the lowest rung and postponed the of that society, deprived of all rights and not the work for their masters.
.
To meet the needs of this population and the city, the council had a budget with the located, income from properties acquired by him since the founding of the city, and the different taxes or local taxes, sold many times so-called auctioneers themselves.

mid-century the city had improved its urbanization and population growth is visible. Nicolas Joseph de Ribera in 1757 describes it thus: Santiago de Cuba is
City, is thirty-four leagues to the east-southeast of Bayamo and forty roughly south-southeast of Holguin in the south coast. Has a large port with the southern entrance to this mui defended two good strengths. It is a large village of well-civilized, has good temperament and fertile grounds: is located ½ mile from the mouth of the harbor and its banks in the East. It recycle the Cathedral Church of the island [...]

Santiago del Prado (commonly copper) is small town blacks and mulattos, some free and some slaves of the King. Is four miles west of Cuba, at the foot of a mountain where open hai many copper mines, at the top hai a Church that worships an image of Mary with the title of the Charidad to which all parties will on pilgrimage, and have seen some miracles.
. San Luigi
Caneyes is Indian small town, situated a league nordesde of Santiago de Cuba: is poor mui (30).

The small village of the indigenous reserve of San Luis de los Caneyes-El Caney - was in 1758 the scene of a major social conflict. According to Bishop Morell de Santa Cruz in 1756 to 500 Aboriginal village were 83 families, and nearby plantations were 8, 75 rooms and a small herd. These Indians, protected by the colonial legislation enjoyed the usufruct of land unappropriated and held their own social organization headed by a chief. The Church, the Cabildo and an official of this with the title of Protector of Indians, had a responsibility to ensure respect for Aboriginal rights. However, the local oligarchy that controlled the Cabildo, allied to the Church and government officials gradually took hold of the fertile lands of Caney, so in 1756 the chief Marcos Rodriguez in a letter to King he described the terrible miserable situation they were in, and the Indians fled the town and disrupted the company of militia that made up, weakening the monitoring of costs, etc. Asked the King to bring sufficient land for their needs.
.
In November 1756 the King ordered that they be returned to Aboriginal lands, an order which was mocked by the oligarchy, with the result that in 1758 the natives to rise up with weapons taken in the town jail, which was violently suppressed uprising by Governor Lorenzo de Madariaga. Still in the nineteenth century Aborigines continued their protests and complaints, but did not succeed against the power of the oligarchy. (31)
.
slaves, whose numbers grew during the eighteenth century and played an important economic role for the exploitation to which they were subjected were rebelling, rebellion, usually expressed in the runaway slave settlements. The most serious and significant manifestation of the black slave rebellion took place just at the highest concentration of them had, ie copper mine. For 1781 the number of these slaves owned by the King had grown to the figure of 1065, (32) who lived virtually free cultivating or unappropriated lands leased Barajagua herd.
.
Families Since 1760 Mancebo and Santiago de Cuba from the Garzón, heirs of the ancient settlement of the mines, after paying its debts to the Crown claimed ownership of slaves and land for the purpose of selling land and slaves, who were of great value: be cultivated land, and slaves to be proficient in the job.

Aware of the situation and crudely armed slaves revolted and seized the town, going after the mountains and to the fence Loma de la Cruz. Had since before the support of the runaways and free blacks in Santiago de Cuba. The repression unleashed on the rebels was fiercely resisted and could not be defeated.

Cobreros In 1781, the Gregorio Cosme Osorio named as his representative to the court, which went to Spain provided a letter that gave the priest Bernardo Antonio Pico. The situation remained static until 1795 the Captain General gave the Cobreros six months later to appear, but the Governor of the Department informed him that the rebels did not accept it and continued to claim their freedom and land ownership that 150 years had worked, what had triggered the repression, which this time could not defeat the resistance of Cobreros.
.
In the same year of 1795 was discovered and thwarted under a betrayal, a conspiracy of mulattoes and free blacks of Bayamo and Santiago de Cuba, Jiguaní Indians and some whites, which led by the brown Nicolas Morales, planned an armed uprising to demand equality with the white estates the removal of checkpoints and taxes, and the right to the unappropriated lands.

This conspiracy Cobreros resistance, the troubled situation in the Caribbean and the Haitian Revolution, and the increasing number of slaves in the Santiago area were a set of factors that frightened the authorities, who suspended the enforcement to Cobreros until the April 7, 1800, King signed Aranjuez in the Royal Decree which declared free the slaves 1 065 actual Santiago del Prado, deserved victory after 20 years of resistance (33).
.
to early nineteenth century, the city's social situation is complicated by two main factors: population growth and immigration from Haiti, which injects a large number of whites, but also free blacks and slaves, the numerically growing rapidly at the beginning of immigrants to promote coffee and sugar plantations.
.
Population growth in the city and its jurisdiction of Cuba can be seen in the following information. By 1689 the city had 3 702 people while Bayamo was 4 180. For 1757 and beyond Santiago to Bayamo in 2 000 people (34).

In 1774 James has 11 793 inhabitants, rising to 13 476 to El Cobre and El Caney. (35)

The following table helps know what was the demographic of the city and its jurisdiction. (36) Population

Santiago de Cuba. (Jurisdiction of Cuba.)

Year. Population .......... ......... Growth.
1689 3 702 --- ......... .........
1757 9 774 13 476 ...............+
1761. ...............+ ........ 16 102 2 626 18 374
......... ......... 1774
......+ 2 272 1778 ......... 15
................- 2 702 672 1781 20 000 ...............+ ......... 4 328

Source: State Committee on Statistics: The Census of population and ... Author's summary.

In 1791-92 it made a new population census or pattern according to which the demographic situation in Santiago de Cuba "without the then rebel slaves Copper-8 212 included whites, free mulattoes 4 288, 2 224 free blacks , 922 mulatto slaves, and 5 115 black slaves, for a total population of 20 761 people. On this date there are 12 temples, 4 hospitals, a school, 48 mills, 58 herds, 48 \u200b\u200byards, 218 rooms and vegas (37).
.
With the arrival of Haitian French, the city and its suburbs had a rapid growth that proves that if in 1791 the Court had 20 761 inhabitants, and in the census of 1808 reflected only the city of Santiago de Cuba reached the figure of 33 893, distributed as follows: Population

Santiago de Cuba in 1808.

Category .. Blancos..Mulatos. / .Mulatos.. / ..Negros. / GENERAL .Negros...TOTAL
.......................... ...Libres... / ..esclavos.. / .libres.. / .esclavos
English ..... .. 8 148 5 729 ...... 748 .. ...... 3 .... ......... 510 8 309 26 444 2 651
French .. ..... ......... 1 891 450 .. 307 ...... ........... .... 2 150 7 449 10 799
TOTAL ..... ..... .... 7 620 1 055 3 960 ....... ... ........ 33 893 10 459

Source: State Statistics Committee: Censuses of Population and Housing ... Volume II, p. 27.

As shown the black population is 23 094 people, representing over 68% of the total.

The growth of the city made in 1800, for the purposes of elections to the council, is divided into eight districts in each of which was elected for mayor of Harlem. (38) However, to meet the needs of the city's budget Cabildo of expenditure envisaged for parties and religious ceremonies as well as salaries to municipal employees for a total of 1 270 pesos fuertes, and instead, for the supply of water and a school teacher were intended only 325, indicating that little attention gave the government of the city. (39)

The booming population and economic growth with its new features combine to result in an increase in poverty and greater polarization of society into rich and poor, and consequently, to increase social contradictions. The local oligarchy-traditionalist, part of it at least, allied to the English clergy, not welcomed immigrants French Haitian whose habits, customs, and ways of living and doing business, almost completely unknown. Afraid of change, lose or share their privileges with the new potentates feared above all new ideas, shared fear that the government of the island where Captain advised the Governor General Somerruelos Sebastian Kindelan Department of the danger, warning that he responded in 1802 with the following analysis: Each
French who remain here, in the interest of rest, the conservation of short fortunes going rempinar its industry favored by the Government, and by providing recognition submissive to charity obra, es un atalaya contra aquella estirpe sanguinaria que ha causado tanta desolación en sus familias y Haciendas, y cada cual se disputaría la gloria de descubrir y extinguir la menor parte de aquella que osase tentar el paso en el territorio que les ha asimilado [...].(40)
.
En efecto, estos hombres pese a conocer y ser portadores de las ideas del iluminismo, de la Revolución Francesa -las más avanzadas de su tiempo-, fueron en la región un bastión de la reacción y el esclavismo aliados al gobierno español.

A su pesar sin embargo, difundieron esas ideas, ese pensamiento político del que eran portadores, lo que se mostró entre otras cosas en el crecimiento cultural who breathed into the city and its environs, up from its presence here. But it would not be fair to say or think that until the arrival of the French Haitian cultural activity of the city was no or very poor as it had been during the XVI and XVII. The slow and difficult growth during the eighteenth century was reflected in the local cultural evolution, which he did from the early decades of the same.
.
An event of great significance was the founding in 1722 the Colegio Seminario Conciliar de San Basilio el Magno, attached directly to the diocese and the Cathedral, estimable as the first higher education institution which was Cuba. It was created by Bishop Geronimo Valdes the place where they join the existing streets Corona and St. Basil, in order to prepare students for the priesthood. Flag Toribio was its first rector.

Throughout the century the center suffered many vicissitudes, including termination of their activities since 1738 for a period of just over ten years. However, bishops and Morell de Santa Cruz, Santiago Hechavarría-Santiago and former student of the school itself, "and Oses Alzua and Cooperation, addressed to introduce several improvements, expanding the number of students and scholarships, including young people who would not race priests, their classes and subjects increased, improved and remodeled the place, etc. Took Cabildo support various efforts to raise it to university status, mainly because the opposition failed Havana. (41) was achieved only in the late eighteenth Institute category.
. College Seminar
allowed the rich young Santiago de Cuba started in college, despite the late scholastic and character of the education imparted there, many continued studies in Europe where they came into contact with the best of the culture the time, knowledge and experience returning, spread in the city. Were among others, cases of the aforementioned Bishop Santiago José Hechavarría and Elguezua, Manuel María Ramírez Pérez, poet, and Justo Manuel Ruvalcaba, poet, painter and sculptor.
.
During the eighteenth century primary education was almost nonexistent. For poor children in some parishes the parish priests unsystematically, taught some first letters and prayers and religious songs mainly. The children of wealthy families were better education through private tutors. There was only one public school established by the Economic Society of Friends of the Country in 1788 (42).
Between 1790 and 1808 underwent significant advances education through the influence of immigrants from Haiti. They modernized education through private schools and classes particularly where introduced materials such as embroidery, drawing, French, dance, geography, piano, geometry, mathematics, etc..

few known cultural and artistic events of the eighteenth century in the first half. From 1764 it stood at the forefront of the music chapel of the Cathedral priest Esteban Salas, who died in 1803 and buried in the Iglesia del Carmen. (43)
.
parties to the Cruz de Mayo, San Juan and Santiago, from the mid coplillas priests taught, which also arose spontaneously in the population, and were armed groups or murguillas with guitars, mandolin, flute and fife. In poor households effected comfort dances, described by the authorities and the clergy of debauchery, and thus pursued (44).

In 1764 there was a military band. José Antonio de Armas and Thompson, said that on 20 January of that year made a high society dance to the King's birthday, and presented also the Plaza de Armas a comedy entitled The teacher of Alexander. (45 )
.
During the eighteenth century the city grew especially towards the east and north, and improved the overall architecture. As highlighted by military construction as the Morro Castle in 1780 was being rebuilt. Also the religious buildings, Government House Department, the Town Hall, and the homes of the wealthy. These buildings were of stone, bricks, and tiles; of high-ceilinged, spacious, well ventilated and lit, and spacious patios. The Moorish influence was modified by the stamp of typical elements of the territory, adjusted to the climate and conditions. However, the generality of the households were poor and very poor sanitary conditions throughout the city, so that in 1771 the Governor and the council agreed on a plan for its composition and toilet. (46) The governor Vaillant rebuilt in 1788, the Town Hall and also built a mall on Hollow Hill, and began the paved main streets. (47)
.
In 1780 construction began on the Church of the Holy Trinity, and the 1785 was built the Church of Carmen.
.
migrants from Haiti, and some of Santo Domingo as Judge Francisco José María Heredia Mueses, father of famous poet José María Heredia, born in this city on December 31, 1803, had much to do with the cultural and artistic development Santiago de Cuba. In their mansions in the city and country, these immigrants valuable treasured works of art, the best literature of the period, and held gatherings to which incorporated the Creole elite. These contacts will produce a taste for good reading literary production and spurred local press of those times, like the Sunday newspaper, production in the emerging local culture and way of being of Santiago (48).
.
The immigrants built a theater, the first of the city, street No. 8 St. Thomas floor where works are presented Rasine, and other major French authors. They also built at the height of a sort of Hollow Hill Café-Concert with the name of Tivoli achieved fame and gave name to the neighborhood (49).
.
Simultaneously, the so-called popular culture born of the people, manifested in music, singing, tenths, fashion, speech common, and eating habits, especially in the popular holiday doodles, the embryo of the carnival. Cultural expressions of the poor masses of the city and the countryside, rarely earned the privilege of publishing and the fair value appreciation, and, except for preserved traditions, much has been lost. Popular musicians formed groups that played dances, there fans to the implementation of various instruments, and a band of militias brown.
.
In general, this period of history is strongly marked Santiago at their ends by the French Haitian presence revolutionized the local society. But the city did not suffer a French influence. French culture took new features, but it was always and increasingly Creole, Cuban.
. NOTES
.
1 .- César García del Pino, "Corsairs, pirates and Santiago de Cuba." In: Journal Santiago. Universidad de Oriente, No. 26-27, July-September 1977, p. 159.
2 .- Julio Le Riverend Brusson: Economic history of Cuba. Editorial People and Education, La Habana, 1971, pp. 92-93. 3 .- James
Pezuela and the Wolf: A Geographical Dictionary, Statistics, History of the Island of Cuba. Printing establishment Mellado, Madrid. 1863, Volume II, pp. 179-180 and 196-197. Buch Ernesto Lopez: History of Santiago de Cuba. Editorial Lex, Havana, 1947, pp. 124-125.
4 .- Regarding this extraordinary personality of eighteenth-century Santiago de Cuba and Cuba, there is an excellent work of Dr. Olga Portuondo Zúñiga entitled Nicolas Joseph de Ribera, published in 1986 by the Social Sciences Publishing House. 5 .- Laureano Fuentes
Matons: The Arts in Santiago de Cuba, historical notes. Editorial Letras Cubanas, La Habana, 1981, p. 23.
6 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: The Jurisdiction of Cuba during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Conferences graduate course of the same title, typed by the Provincial Commission of History of PCC. Santiago de Cuba, 1985, conference # 3. pp. 9-11. Those located items were sending money to Cuba from the Viceroyalty of New Spain (Mexico) to meet the financial needs of the government of the island, and the General Captaincy used preferably in the area of \u200b\u200bHavana and Matanzas to forget the rest of the country for the forgotten what it meant less money in circulation, market restriction and less capital accumulated, among other ills.
7 .- Julio Le Riverend Brusson: Ob. Cit., Pp. 149-150.
8 .- César García del Pino: Ob. Cit., Pp. 160-161.
9 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: Ob. Cit., Lecture # 3, p. 13.
10 .- Ibid, pp. 12-13. Buch
11 .- Ernesto Lopez: Ob. Cit., Pp. 13 and 26-27. Jacobo Pezuela and the Wolf: Ob. Cit., P. 176.
12 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: Ob. Cit., Pp. 16-17.
13 .- César García del Pino: Ob. Cit., Pp. 161-162. 14 .- James
Pezuela and the Wolf: Ob. Cit., Pp. 178 and 182.
15 .- Francisco Mata: Pirates of the Caribbean. Casa de las Americas, Havana, 1984, pp. 144-145. 16 .- James
Pezuela and the Wolf: Ob. Cit., Pp. 178-179. César García del Pino: Ob. Cit., P. 168.
17 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: Ob. Cit., Lecture # 4, p. 5. Buch
18 .- Ernesto Lopez: Ob. Cit., Pp. 40-42.
19 .- José Luciano Franco Ferrán: slave trade illegal. Social Sciences Publishing House, Havana, 1980, p. 91.
20 .- Ibid, pp. 104-105. 21 .- Emilio Bacardi
Moreaux: Chronicles of Santiago de Cuba. Typography Arroyo Brothers, Santiago de Cuba, 1924, Volume I, p. 241. In Spain, the strong peso was five so real and hoarders and traders moved to the mainland, where they reported without an additional gain of 20%. Buch
22 .- Ernesto Lopez: Ob. Cit., P.47. Emilio Bacardi Moreaux: Ob. Cit., P. 242. 23 .- James
Pezuela and the Wolf: Ob. Cit., Pp. 28-30. Julio Le Riverend Brusson: Ob. Cit., Pp. 176-177. José Luciano Franco Ferrán: Ob. Cit., Pp. 91 and 94.
24 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: Ob. Cit., Lecture # 4, p. 8. 25 .- José
Luciano Franco Ferrán: Ob. Cit., Pp. 108-109. The figure may be somewhat higher than real. 26 .- Jorge Berenguer
Cala: "The French emigration in the jurisdiction of Cuba." In: Journal Santiago. Universidad de Oriente, No. 26-27, June-September 1977, pp. 229-231.
27 .- Ibid, pp. 232-233. Pezuela in Gazetteer ..., volume II, p. 180 tells us that: "... the exportation of coffee before had not gone beyond 8 000 ars. year, grew to 80 000 and then to 300 000 in the five years after coming to the Dominican migration. "
28 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: Ob. Cit., Lecture # 3, pp. 9-11. 29 .- Ernesto Buch
Lopez: Ob. Cit., Pp. 36-37.
30 .- State Committee on Statistics: The population and housing censuses in Cuba: Estimates, censuses and population censuses of the colonial era and the first U.S. intervention. Statistics Research Institute, [sl], 1988, Volume I, Volume I, p. 85.
31 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga, "An Indian uprising in 1758." In: Journal of the National Library José Martí. January-April 1981, pp. 202-204. 32 .- James
Pezuela and the Wolf: Ob. Cit., P. 11.
33 .- José Luciano Franco Ferrán: The runaway of the Maroons. Published by the Department of Revolutionary Orientation Central Committee of Communist Party of Cuba, Havana, 1973, pp. 61-66.
34 .- Olga Portuondo Zúñiga: Lectures of the course ... Lecture # 4, p. 7.
35 .- State Statistics Committee: Ob. Cit., Volume I, p. 86.
36 .- In this case, and later included figures from the Court as it wishes to provide an idea of \u200b\u200bthe issue and no-or not match-specific data of the city.
37 .- State Statistics Committee: Ob. Cit., Volume I, p. 70 and Volume II, p. 72. Institute of History of Cuba History of Cuba. Editora Política, La Habana, 1994, Volume I, Annex 14, p. 475. 38 .- Buch
Ernesto Lopez: Ob. Cit., P. 55.
39 .- Ibid, p. 60. 40 .- Jorge Berenguer
Cala: Ob. Cit., P. 220. 41 .- James
Pezuela and the Wolf: Ob. Cit., Pp. 197-198. 42 .- Emilio Bacardi
Moreaux: Ob. Cit., Volume I, p. 265. 43 .- Laureano Fuentes
Matons: Ob. Cit., Pp. 120, 297, 122-124 and 186-187.
44 .- Ibid, pp. 29 and 119.
45 .- Ibid, pp. 27-28, 186-187 and 325. 46 .- Emilio Bacardi
Moreaux: Ob. Cit., P. 205. 47 .- Buch
Ernesto Lopez: Ob. Cit., Pp. 38 and 48. 48 .- Emilio Bacardi
Moreaux: Ob. Cit., Tome II, p. 52. Laureano Fuentes Matons: Ob. Cit., P. 23. 49 .- Laureano Fuentes
Matons: Ob. Cit., P. 33. BIBLIOGRAPHY

.
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21. Mota, Francisco: Pirates of the Caribbean. House of the Ameri-cas, Havana, 1984.
22. Fraginals Moreno, Manuel, El Ingenio. Editorial of Social Sciences, Havana, 1978, 3 volumes.
23. Ozes and Alzua, Joachim: Development of agriculture and industry in the eastern part of the island of Cuba. Report to His Majesty on 30 November 1794. Mimeographed material by the History Commission of the Provincial Committee PCC. Santiago de Cuba, [SF]
24. : Book containing the erection of Santa Iglesia Catedral de Santiago de Cuba. [Se], Santia-go de Cuba, 1887.
25. Pezuela, Jacobo de la, gazetteers, statistical co, historic island of Cuba. Printing establishment of Mellado, Madrid, 1863, 3 volumes.
26. Pichardo, Hortensia: Documents for the History of Cuba. Publisher of the National Council of Universities, La Habana, 1964, second edition, Volume I.
27. Portuondo del Prado, Fernando: Course of History of Cuba. Editorial Minerva, La Habana, 1947, 3rd edition.
28. Portuondo del Prado, Fernando: The Story of Cuba. Editorial People and Education, La Habana, 1975.
29. Portuondo Zúñiga, Olga: "Path historic Santiago de Cuba: 1515-1707" In: Journal Santiago. Universidad de Oriente. No. 26-27, June-September 1977.
30. "Trade in the Caribbean during the eighteenth century." In: Journal of the Caribbean. No.1 (1) July-September 1983.
31. "An Indian uprising in 1758." In: Journal of the National Library José Martí. January-April 1981.
32. : Lectures graduate course "The Jurisdiction of Cuba during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries." Typed by the History Commission of the CPC Provincial Committee. Santiago de Cuba, 1985.
33. : Nicholas Joseph de Rivera. Social Sciences Publishing House, Havana, 1986.
34. Prat Puig, Francisco, Maria C. Morales and Mary E. Orozco: "Architecture lineage Santiago traditional neoclassical contributions." In: Journal Santiago. Universidad de Oriente. No. 54, June, 1984.
35. Venegas Delgado, Hernán: Theory and method in regional history of Cuba. Editorial Capiro, Santa Clara, 1994.


other sources.

urban development in the city of Santiago de Cuba in the XVI - XIX. Mimeographed pamphlet written by the architect Omar López Martínez. Collection
newspaper editor. Emilio Bacardi Museum.
magazine Bohemia.
Granma newspaper. ---

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Sunday, July 30, 2006

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Mario Vargas Llosa to the Trujillo dictatorship / Roberto Cassá


03/30/2006 . THE APPROXIMATION
Mario Vargas Llosa to the Trujillo dictatorship
By Robert Cassá
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Roberto Cassá paper provides an analysis so clearly weighted as necessary. Author not given to nationalist clamor makes the complaint here though corresponding to the intellectual committed to the dignity of their country, presented by Mario Vargas Llosa as totally corroded. With joy we deliver to readers of this valuable commodity streaks on commercial novel Feast of the Goat. Cassá is a famous Dominican historian, author of a substantial historiographical work. He is retired as professor of art at the Universidad Autonoma de Santo Domingo. He was president of the Dominican Academy of History and currently serves as Director of the National Archives. It has been a recognized intellectual left.
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La fiesta del Chivo Mario Vargas Llosa's novel about the regime of Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, dictator of the Dominican Republic between 1930 and 1961, was bound to generate controversy among writers and intellectuals Dominicans.
Their approach had to be different from any other analysts, because the findings of the Dominicans, almost inevitably, relate primarily to the historical and political implications of the work and almost no aspect literary (1). For this reason, the novel was greeted with sharply differing attitudes among those who condemned it outright and those who extolled as a monument to historical truth. But with little elaboration formal, old servants of Trujillo and politicians lined up in the right neo-Trujillo judged the work of a very unfavorable considering providing false information and distorted the meaning of the time. (2)
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Such judgments were summarized by Ramón Font Bernard, who called it "sewer of filth", as in his opinion, Vargas Llosa was devoted to destroying reputations. Conversely, the no less passionate anti-Trujillo often came to the defense of the work, seeing it as an argument against the continued dictatorship that does justice to that era and especially the detested courtiers of the regime, as one of the arguments outlined by the literary historian Peter Conde (3).
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This warns that political disagreement with the normal positions Vargas Llosa does not preclude assessing the complaint the "Goat." Beyond this bias, some historians objected timely in terms of fidelity to facts told with the names of the participants. (4)
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should be advised that these objections, relating to details of the actions were outside guidelines policies, as well as anti-Trujillistas Trujillistas offenses or expressed disagreement with aspects of the story, especially when it pertained to persons or other related, although it was indirectly. In these controversies are summarized basic reactions that resulted in Dominican society pages of The Feast of the Goat. Overall, the arguments are confined to episodic perspective of the novelist's denunciation of the dictatorship of Trujillo, which explains the passion and references to facts. Those involved in these trials are not always asked whether, apart from details, the work could reveal the working mechanisms of an authoritarian order extreme, such as Trujillo, whose protests caused much fascination in the novelist. To answer this question must be based on the structure of the work.
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La fiesta del Chivo sequence consists of three stories: that of a Dominican resident in the United States, Urania Cabral, returning the country to finish her old face dramatic relationship with the dictatorship, the personal narrative Trujillo on the last day of his life and that of the conspirators succeeded in liquidating the night of May 30. By the overlapping planes of the three stories, with their characters and approaches, Vargas Llosa attempts to recreate an era, which is characterized around a series of theses, which is putting into the mouths of the characters, especially of Urania Cabral. These three blocks contain no homogeneity, which introduces problems when characterizing the genre with operating the novelist. The memories of Urania Cabral fully ascribed to fiction, the novel genre itself conventional, because, although relating to specific characters, as the same Trujillo first blatantly built around facts and nonexistent people or other whose identities and actions are processed by the novelist.
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In the other two blocks, however, with few exceptions, which include part of the courtiers of Trujillo, Vargas Llosa refers to existing individuals, identified by name and referring to shares held. Thus, while the story about Urania Cabral is attached to the conventions of the realist novel, and to some extent to the historical novel, those relating to Trujillo and his enemies conspirators operating in a different plane, identified with the fictionalized historical account .
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Vargas Llosa has clarified that he did not intend to chronicle the era of Trujillo and deliberately go to the "conscious lies" argument that has earned the approval of some literary critics, both Dominicans and other countries. However, the structure of the two historic blocks offers little room for justification to that argument, since it does not operate through fiction, but, on an ongoing basis, relates to circumstances prevailing in reality, to the extent that the novel may even be likened to a kind of chronic, especially in the last hours of life of Trujillo or who killed him as a literary device to portray apparent situations of oppression and degradation.
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heterogeneous literary These plans largely explain the problems that have been addressed in the Dominican critical. This has not been misguided in terms of focus on the narrative of the details, since that is the emphasis that the author has been granted for consideration of the time. However, such criticism has usually been in the details for evaluating the work, regardless of that he should make an adverse or favorable. For some Trujillo would have been the monster described, which approved it, for others the narrative does not succeed in describing the character, regardless of any Trujillo, Bernard Font, not denied that indeed was a wicked Trujillo.
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A different perspective can be concluded that the work contains data depicting shameful realities that occurred during the dictatorship, while being riddled with inaccuracies and untruths, which may be classified as such because of the aforementioned narrative structure .
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However, the reduction of criticism to the presence of descriptions tailored to the facts and consider other distorters prevents their ability to fill a role around the fictional recreation of an era. It is assumed that with this book the author tried to portray the atmosphere of the time, to characterize the dictatorship as an evil system. At this level, who knows something of what happened during the 31 years that captures Trujillo Vargas Llosa provides virtually no new information and original features even for interpretation.
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This explains the observation of Frauke Gewccke that the novel was received by the Dominican public with curiosity but not with interest. (5)
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The disconnection the medium is easily betrayed by language. Vargas Llosa, in repeated interviews, has said he made enormous research to grasp what happened. However, in colloquial leguaje not reflected this alleged investigation, which holds a key deficiency of historical fiction stories or historical novel. On the one hand, puts into the mouths of the protagonists, often on a recurring basis, words and expressions used in the country, which is counterbalanced by the absence of a vocabulary that portrays the ways of expression and thought then in effect.
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The code of vulgar terms, which seems to give the keynote of the live search vocabulary, the novel misses, as most of them were simply unknown. The title itself is a nonsense, because Trujillo was never called Living The Goat, Vargas Llosa term puts in the mouths of some of the protagonists. It seems that the writer did not even know that the term Chivo was introduced through a meringue, which he cites, to celebrate the assassination of 30 May, in which it is said that, supposedly, the tyrant moaned like a goat - before he was given the coup de grace. If I had a low penetration how to speak, would simply put into the mouth of the players the term of Chapita-listed in other contexts, "whose use was so eloquent that generated a furore in the tyrant, so it was extremely dangerous. (6)
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Equally important is the lack of recovery of the language of power, a key issue within the reproductive mechanisms of dictatorship. Vargas Llosa refer merely historical justifications outlined in a current, but does so out of context, so you can not roll back the effectiveness of bureaucratic discourse that so much attention paid to the Trujillo presented as a purely primary. This ignorance, within a story novel, evidence in it that is consistent with facts, Vargas Llosa is a tributary of a few texts, which earned him accusations of plagiarism.
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The most marked was the Kiwi journalist Bernard Diederich, a former correspondent for The New York Times, who was among the first foreigners to cover the death of Trujillo, and years later wrote a book whose English title is The Death of the Goat. (7) Diederich has been reported that the term Goat in the title offers a clue enough of plagiarism.
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Regardless of Vargas Llosa transcribed information without reference to the source, as is possibly true in a work of fiction, it is easy to demonstrate that his chronicle of the action of the conspirators on the 30th of May is taken, almost entirely, of the author. In any case, no doubt, as he himself has accepted Vargas Llosa, who has contracted a debt to Diederich, but to the extent that it contains nothing new, it would not be the case if it had done historical research that has claimed .
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Rather, it introduces is a plane controversial in a thorough review, it overlaps statements and data that have proven false, in order to prove his thesis that, for practical purposes, the conspirators acted moved by personal resentment. This is the case, just to put one in the story that Lt. Amado Garcia Guerrero was forced to kill Rene Gil, brother of what had been his girlfriend, as evidence of loyalty to Trujillo. The detail may seem inconsequential, like so many other errors can be attributed to Vargas Llosa, but it is important because it would challenge the simplicity with which he handles the participation of García Guerrero. From these deficiencies can be detected that the knowledge gained about the time is clearly insufficient, not to say outright that misses the target. From reading the novel that the author focused on the dictator and the hustles conspiracy that led to his removal. It is not objectionable from there you can develop a literary, but in no case to characterize a time and a system, as indeed is the claim of The Feast of the Goat. What is revealed in more than five hundred pages is a poor account of the prevailing environment and the lack of multiple levels of the process of the dictatorship. From that single point of view, the novel is a Freudian slip, if part of the literary and historical claims implicitly set.
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is not asked to make a new story about the period, similar or superior to the existing, but through the freedom of fiction, could productively rethink the mechanisms of running a extreme authoritarian system. The novelist certainly had reason to be intrigued by the extreme perfection of oppression during the reign of Trujillo, to a degree almost unique in the modern world. But consideration is anecdotal in the figure of Trujillo, explicitly stated as the genesis of the time, thesis otherwise not new, since has been present in historiographical approaches of the dictatorship. (8)
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Indeed Trujillo personality exerted an overwhelming influence on Dominican life, but her figure can not be detached individually considered a literary interpretation consisting of the time, assuming that this constitutes a realistic genre, basically historical novel. Consideration of the time through the tyrant is doubly flawed because not even close to what psychological traits were sufficiently highlighted in stories, memories and interpretations of historiography which, surely, the vast majority did not review Vargas Llosa.
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is true that he did not need to be familiar with all literature, but at least to let him live affirm a vision and a new interpretation of the character. Solomon Sanz, an official of the regime and frequent interlocutor Trujillo during his last days, including former Trujillo Trujillo or have referred to the text, certainly had good reason when it claimed that Trujillo Vargas Llosa has nothing to do with him met in life. This failure to account for the character could be excused in a novel with a different structure as those mentioned in The Feast of the Goat. But Vargas Llosa refers to a flesh and blood Trujillo, linked to events recorded by history or stories accepted.
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This misunderstanding comes from anecdotal account through the features of the dictator. Since the system is monstrous, the demiurge it has to be the most. It is not, of course, exonerate Trujillo, who was capable of committing the atrocities that Vargas Llosa and passing on many other worse. Much of what has denounced the book on the psychotic personality can in principle be accepted, but will not include any new development, "provided it is done except that this aspect of personality of Trujillo clothes being misused in the work and, therefore, preclude consideration of the complexity of the character.
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For the author, Trujillo was not born criminal but imbued with a thirst for humiliation and murder, leading him to develop an effective vision, since it does not pursue a thoughtful purpose. The book is formed in a sensationalist outlook, as the hype, carried to the point of the grotesque, is its hallmark. Again it should be stressed that, in a play with another narrative structure, such a procedure would have been valid, but never in the historical novel.
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Anyone who knows a minimum figure of Trujillo know that many of the thoughts that are passing on Vargas Llosa quite alien to his personality. In the reality of their enforcement, the primitive delirious crime was to integrate the systematic search for a civilizing function, where it appeared the search for a respectable statesman image, radically opposed to the Dominican tiguere bold. The recognition of the complexity of the subject is not to humanize and less to the enhancement, as claimed in its assessment Conde favorable for the Feast of the Goat.
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Falla, therefore, the process of displaying a time that is taken only to the point of grotesqueness, a gap that extends to the whole story through its main character. No doubt that dictatorship was a terrible order for his cruelty and complete lack of freedoms. But his characterization through ridiculous note does not account for it, regardless of Trujillo, indeed, should contain drawings grotesque in their personality and their actions.
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Contrary to the claims by Vargas Llosa, everyday life then it was seen through the ridiculous, but the terror that lay repression, coupled with the crushing feeling of the physical effect that the order sought to be moved.
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planes remain so absent explaining how so extreme that domain could be implemented and maintained indefinitely. Precisely this is that lie some of the most controversial thesis of the novel, since in it the general state of humiliation is not just the product of the externalization of the substance the dictator, but of the community. The dictatorship, Vargas Llosa's eyes, is nothing but making and responsibility of the Dominican people themselves.
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Hence, asserting an innate state of moral perversion in most of the Dominicans, which has no justification other than the fantasy of a decadent mind in a certain Don Rigoberto expansion formula. The story reaches the wicked when in fact asserts that virtually all Dominicans were Trujillo and, worse still, they were simply feeling part of a generalized state of ignominy. It is true, of course, that the dictatorship entailed disgrace and, occasionally seen, many of Vargas Llosa's comments have nothing to object. But it is inexcusable that, with exceptions in place, dominated by a purported order of general mental abnormality, people reveled in the state and weighted as an attribute inherent in their identities.
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At this point, the novel is wrong because it does not take into account the nature of the victims even own courtiers, that are seen collectively and simplistically as abject beings, rejoicing that the humiliations received from the tyrant. It also misrepresents and denigrates when recognizes no political motivation and moral resistance to the dictatorship.
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A better understanding of the mechanisms of operation of the dictatorship would have involved less coarse treatment of the relationship between bureaucrats Trujillo. While it is undeniable, as Vargas Llosa points out that many of them held positions with an opportunistic approach in order to enjoy the grace of the tyrant, it is equally true that they were forced to serve, either by direct compulsion or by the accumulation of the circumstances present in that society. At the same time, many experienced a malaise that was part of their identities, that articulated in fear and guilt. This dual character of the location of many of the bureaucrats lies one of the paradoxes of a system of extreme oppression such as Trujillo, Vargas Llosa was unable to reveal.
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Maybe could have guessed the topic, but did not have interest, since it was not consistent with the intent to caricature. In this regard, the prototypes are unsuccessful literary courtiers who built through Agustín Cabral and others, he takes obvious features of subjects were described by informants. None fits the complexity of their actions, not even the only one that apparently knew personally, Joaquin Balaguer, probably the closest to passing on the subtle Machiavellian all but apologizes through an image that leads him to naively assert it as a mystery.
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In this regard, it is clear that Trujillo's relationship with his subordinates was carried out through an absolute pre-eminence of the former, which entailed a chronic state of fear in the latter. Vargas Llosa register it, but it exaggerates the note when the plane takes widespread grotesque. In the novel, Trujillo was nothing but the tiguere male, which was imposed on all and abused the wives of all. Thus, the relatively limited were cases that happen to be the rule demonstration of a flagrant distortion of the dominican lives under Trujillo.
seems, throughout the novel, that the dictatorship there was no note of personal humiliation, to grasp what eludes many different aspects of existence at the time. To that social life is reduced, which is a simplification that descends to the level of caricature. The comic features the courtiers, as Henry Chirinos, the "Constitutional Sot", imply the absence a political system domain, as subjects of that would be unfit catadura to ensure administrative efficiency and the ideological legitimacy of order.
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The author does not get close to what were the actual terms of the relationship between Trujillo and his courtiers and ignores the existence of a pattern of bureaucratic functioning efficiently. What refers to as psychological traits of Trujillo, as discipline, psychological insight remains anecdotal. Interpretive perspective betrays inability to account for reproductive function diagrams of the dictatorship that transcend the psychological traits of the tyrant and the gruesomeness that they were derived. In particular, the approach can not work any how it was a system of oppression so extreme.
Ignorance of the nature of the society of the time it replaced with formulas on the morbid literary responsibility. Urania Cabral, the chief interpreter of the thesis of Vargas Llosa, from the first page shows the general cowardice as the key state of oppression. For example, referring to plates of exaltation to Trujillo, closely exclaims: "the thousands of Dominicans that bought and hung in the most visible of the house, so no one would doubt his loyalty to the Chief, and when the spell is shattered, they wanted to erase the tracks, ashamed of what she represented: his cowardice. "( p. 22).
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such cowardice What could be the subject of endless digressions, of the burden of relativism which involves the indictment, but the attribution of "spell" that goes just evidenced by the dismissal of the novelist. This search leads causal attribution of a state of quasi-animality to the Dominican people, which is manifested in the question machismo as the quintessence of the dictatorship and therefore the people themselves.
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So
contrasts with the tone common feature, the eyes of Dominicans with less barbaric and Latinos in the U.S., approximate to civilization: "In New York no one looks at women with that nerve. by measuring, weighing, calculating how much meat is in each of her breasts and thighs, how many hairs on his pelvic bone and the exact curve of your buttocks ... In New York, and no Latinos, Dominicans, Colombians, Guatemalans, look like that. They have learned to restrain, not be understood look at women as they look the dogs to bitches, mares, horses, pigs to sows. "(p. 23). The reverse of such a realm of instinct is a state of" pre-rational ":" Chaos animated, need Deep stunned not to think and perhaps even feel, which was your people, Urania. Also, an explosion of wild, free to the waves of modernization. Dominicans something like that clings to pre-rational, magical: the appetite for noise. "(P. 19).
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Beyond insults like that, lacking any value, as indicated there is no evidence explaining why established the iron dictatorship. Not appear to be checked Pedro Conde postulated hiatus between the neoliberal political thinker and novelist critical. On the contrary, what is at stake is not only a current topic of the dominant ideology, whereby the pre-modern barbarity has no other source than people in some way inferior, genesis of dictatorship while the antithesis of the single civilization.
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The corollary of the above lies in an ideological shallowness. The reflections of Urania Cabral cited above constitute sufficient evidence, because part of the regular level of the work. For more is sought, not only is there an effort to source location from the ignominy of the dictatorship, but is also absent any intellectual level reflection on the consequences of such an order in the existence of those involved.
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is why it is so striking that several newspapers have been critical of the Feast of the Goat exalted as a masterpiece and even David Gallagher, cited by Sabine Kollmann, indicated that "will stand out as emblematic of great novel of Latin America's Twentieth Century. "(9)
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More balanced approach is the Frauke Gewecke, who sees a series of failures in information, learning, internal consistency and "exoticism" or "tropicalization, although broadly recognized as respectable to work.
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The intellectual poverty that shows the author in the work, which leads to the location of people as the dictatorship genetic factor explains the approach of the universal state of degradation of Dominican society.
Thus, the most important defining note of the novel is not the indictment of the dictatorship, but the human soul in tropical barbarism. Given the assumption of universal responsibility with the order, the end of the dictatorship, through the plot that occupies one of the three stories, not a rational belief in pursuit of freedom, but a resentment that form part of degradation.
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The implications of this attribution of altruism in the absence of those killed in Trujillo is the reverse of the "conscious lies" that denature a time. Therefore, with the dictatorship is also reviled the opposition. The novelist was proposed at all costs to prove the depth of degradation, a conclusion that does not tolerate any criticism, because in the life of time, with submission, dissent remained constant, often so clear that required the application of Selective crime as part of the reign of terror.
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Indeed, the denunciation of the dictatorship is of ambiguous connotations. Vargas Llosa does not address itself to Trujillo, but a general phenomenon presented as the antithesis of the modern world as a sphere of exalted dignity and human fulfillment.
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For this came, in other interviews, to draw a parallel between Fidel Castro and Rafael Trujillo. Almost unequivocally, said that the latter part of the content attributed to the first issue that reveals not only an anachronism episodic, but a starting point that explains that the construction of Trujillo as a character to respond to a decisive ideological exaltation of the era neoliberal.
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Underlying then anachronistic dictatorship perceived as homogeneous phenomenon and is one of the determinants of the caricature that is reduced Trujillo order as finished expression of that system. Consequently, the final substrate is only the exaltation of the imperial modernization through economic success Urania Cabral-reflective figure exception, escape from the barbarism as an official international organizations.
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Within this context, it is not surprising that the work can be viewed as a commercial operation, in accordance with the commercialization that characterizes the neoliberal order. The story calls for an aberrant exotic contrast to the normality of freedom today, in which the grotesque appears as an article consumption. In that order, grotesque heads to the squalid, since, as commercial operations, the book seeks to respond to a type of blood avid reader and sex. Truculence is reduced to the duality issue, beginning with the fictional account of Urania Cabral, who answers prompted by the extreme bitterness that has made sexual violence that he suffered from Trujillo.
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is, moreover, a poor motivator for those who, by way of alter ego of the novelist's claims is without an endorsement, presented as a formidable scholar in the field.
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sexual thing going through the story from beginning to end, introducing a bill that makes it decadent conclude in its final pages, in bad taste that reveals the commonplace.
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bad taste This summarizes the commercial nature of the work and turns on accessory part of your inability to grasp the real mechanisms. This map can be seen regardless of the setting of the narrative to the times and deeds. So strange that vulgarity has not been highlighted by a criticism that has raised the Feast of the Goat to the status of masterpiece.
This statement implies categorizing the novel not only as the supreme realization of Vargas Llosa, what is obviously wrong, but also as superior to what was done by Gabriel García Márquez and Augusto Roa Bastos.
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Notes
1 - An exception was that of Diogenes Cespedes, who pointed out grammatical errors, to conclude at trial that the work was written in haste. Diogenes Cespedes Mario Vargas Llosa and the subordination of fiction to history ", El Siglo, March 18, 2000.
2 - See the interview with General Felix Hermida, son of a former military chief Trujillo:" General refutes Hermida Vargas Llosa " , The Nation, June 1, 2000.
3 - Pedro Conde Sturla, "Break row and live the Chief!". Supplement streaks, year VIII, No. 55 (April 2001). the presentation of this text notes that was sent to several newspapers and censored.
4 - Bernardo Vega, "Fiction and History in La Fiesta del Chivo", El Siglo, April 30, 2000.
5 - Frauke Gewecke, "La fiesta del Chivo, by Mario Vargas Llosa: prospects of receiving a successful novel," Iberoamericana, Year I, no. 3 (September 2001), pp. 151-165.
6 - There are several versions about the origin of the nickname Chapita, as Trujillo was known in his childhood and youth. The interesting thing is that it be used commonly disaffected sign mocking the dictator's love of medals and decorations bear. In any case, banning the nickname was a powerful symbolic meaning, of absolute respect of the tyrant and his silence about his past insignificance.
7 - It is intriguing that the title of the translation into English is: Trujillo, the dictator's death, Santo Domingo, 1978.
8 - For example, Juan Isidro Jimenez Grullon, Dominican Republic. Analysis of past and present, La Habana, 1940, Juan Bosch, Trujillo. Causes of unprecedented tyranny, Caracas, 1959.
9 - Sabine Kollmann, "La fiesta del Chivo, change and continuity in the work of Vargas Llosa, Latin American, Year I, No. III (September 2001), pp. 136-149. This article was published exclusively by the magazine streaks, number 65, May 2003, pages 36-40 .
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