[Photo]
Frank Moya Pons
The present work of our friend and collaborator Frank Moya Pons was inserted in the reprint number 8 streaks, corresponding to the regular edition number 22 of September 1996. On that occasion, as now, we would head nosotos essay as "blacken the Dominican diaspora," but we record the author's title was "antihaitianism Historic State antihaitianism. The Future of the Haitian-Dominican relations"
.
Frank Moya Pons (La Vega, 1944) is a famous Dominican historian, author of a very large and important business and cultural animator. Professor of Dominican history is both the country and the United States. It was a close associate of veins from the first issues of our magazine.
. -----
Closing remarks of the seminar "The Two Nations of Quisqueya: Haitian-Dominican Relations at the Turn of the Century "(The Two Nations of Quisqueya: Haitian-Dominican Relations at the Turn of the Century) spoken by Frank Moya Pons at the invitation of the Dominican Studies Institute of the City University New York (CUNY), The City College of New York on December 8, 1995.
.
By Frank Moya Pons
L as Dominico-Haitian relations will evolve in light of developments in the Republic antihaitianism Dominicana.Fíjense that during this day none of the submissions had nothing to do with antihaitianism or the antidominicanismo, but those were two issues raised and discussed continuamente.He been thinking all day today, and I propose that we think antihaitianism separately on two fronts. One of them let's call it "historical antihaitianism, and the other I propose that we call" antihaitianism of state. "
.
The historical antihaitianism arises from, and held in, the actual evolution of the two peoples, two nations. In their remote origin, such antihaitianism has much to do with the bad relations that held French and English in the 18th century on the island of Santo Sunday.That who have had the opportunity studying the colonial history of the island during this century should remember how difficult were the relations between France and Spain in Santo Domingo, and the continuing conflicts that existed between French and English authorities, and between French and English settlers.
.
There is therefore a result of poor relations between the two sides of the island which deteriorate at the beginning of the Haitian revolution, worse after Spain ceded the island to France in 1795, and at its worst point during the Haitian invasions , 1801 and 1805, explained this morning by Max Manigat and commented on by some participants of this seminar.
.
These invasions Dominican psychology still make and are really the historical root of antihaitianism. Remind you that the invasion and occupation of the eastern part of the island by Toussaint in 1801 and then invasion by Dessalines and Christopher, in 1805, violent clashes between Haitians and Dominicans were recorded in historical texts.
.
The newspaper's campaign Dessalines, for example, there are descriptions of the horrors of war that, incidentally, was not a war against Dominicans of Haitian, but against the French who were ruling at that time the eastern part of the island.
.
the end of the year 1805, during removal of the Haitian Army, who got the worst part were the Dominican plobladores the villages of Monte Plata, La Vega, Moca, Santiago and some rural villages in central region country. The killing of innocent people and destruction of these peoples by Dessalines troops marked the Dominican soul.
.
Then the Haitian occupation of the eastern part of the island run by Jean Pierre Boyer from 1822 created tensions held for 22 years culminating in the proclamation of independence of the Dominicans in 1844.
.
Rise Dominican independence was followed by a series of military invasions of Haiti and there was a 17-year war between Dominicans and Haitians. It is during this war that begins antihaitianism of State because the Dominican government makes use of the collective memory of the fear of war and the horrors of the invasion of the century, and that memory becomes war propaganda material for vivo support the war spirit Dominican struggling for independence.
. That
antihaitianism of State ceases early during the years following the annexation to Spain in 1861 because the Haitian government, headed by General Gefrard Fabre, provided assistance to the Dominican independence from Spain went to war between 1863 and 1865.
.
Collaboration Haitian Dominicans in their struggle against Spain led to a change in the relations between elites and the peoples of both countries, so that shortly after he was expelled the English in 1865, the governments of Haiti and the Dominican Republic in 1867 signed the first treaty of peace, friendship, commerce and navigation between the two countries.
.
This agreement was followed by a second treaty in 1874 to discuss the issue of borders that have not had been resolved. In the last quarter of 19, this treaty was followed by a series of negotiations to define the boundary lines where the Pope was an arbitrator and mediator.
.
I must say that in the course of these negotiations, which lasted for several decades (in 1911 both governments still being negotiated), the State raised antihaitianism with historical antihaitianism in the writings of intellectuals and newspapers. In fact, the historical antihaitianism never disappeared. As proof, just have to read the interrogations were members of a Senate committee the U.S. the Dominican Republic in 1871 so you can see what they thought of Haitians and Dominicans of that year.
.
A popular antihaitianism that survives through the years and still alive well into the 20 century. For example, in 1918, the military government of the U.S. occupation conducted a survey to gather feedback from teachers and school inspectors across the country about the cultural state of población.Si you read this survey will find that when asked about Haitians, the views of school inspectors, school principals and some teachers were consistently negative.
.
The most negative views were much closer to the border were the respondents. This is very important to consider because these views reflect the attitudes of those who had direct or close contact with Haitians. Must see, for example, the opinion of Victor Garrido, then inspector of education in San Juan de la Maguana. They were very negative opinions. So there is an underlying historical antihaitianism, permanent, concrete, very much alive.
.
During the American military occupation in both countries there was censorship. The press picked up on itself, it lost many expressions written and it seems as if there were antihaitianism in the Republic. However, the substrate-Haitian cultural, historical antihaitianism, remained in force, continued to exist, but are not published many manifestations of it.
Frank Moya Pons
The present work of our friend and collaborator Frank Moya Pons was inserted in the reprint number 8 streaks, corresponding to the regular edition number 22 of September 1996. On that occasion, as now, we would head nosotos essay as "blacken the Dominican diaspora," but we record the author's title was "antihaitianism Historic State antihaitianism. The Future of the Haitian-Dominican relations"
.
Frank Moya Pons (La Vega, 1944) is a famous Dominican historian, author of a very large and important business and cultural animator. Professor of Dominican history is both the country and the United States. It was a close associate of veins from the first issues of our magazine.
. -----
Closing remarks of the seminar "The Two Nations of Quisqueya: Haitian-Dominican Relations at the Turn of the Century "(The Two Nations of Quisqueya: Haitian-Dominican Relations at the Turn of the Century) spoken by Frank Moya Pons at the invitation of the Dominican Studies Institute of the City University New York (CUNY), The City College of New York on December 8, 1995.
.
By Frank Moya Pons
L as Dominico-Haitian relations will evolve in light of developments in the Republic antihaitianism Dominicana.Fíjense that during this day none of the submissions had nothing to do with antihaitianism or the antidominicanismo, but those were two issues raised and discussed continuamente.He been thinking all day today, and I propose that we think antihaitianism separately on two fronts. One of them let's call it "historical antihaitianism, and the other I propose that we call" antihaitianism of state. "
.
The historical antihaitianism arises from, and held in, the actual evolution of the two peoples, two nations. In their remote origin, such antihaitianism has much to do with the bad relations that held French and English in the 18th century on the island of Santo Sunday.That who have had the opportunity studying the colonial history of the island during this century should remember how difficult were the relations between France and Spain in Santo Domingo, and the continuing conflicts that existed between French and English authorities, and between French and English settlers.
.
There is therefore a result of poor relations between the two sides of the island which deteriorate at the beginning of the Haitian revolution, worse after Spain ceded the island to France in 1795, and at its worst point during the Haitian invasions , 1801 and 1805, explained this morning by Max Manigat and commented on by some participants of this seminar.
.
These invasions Dominican psychology still make and are really the historical root of antihaitianism. Remind you that the invasion and occupation of the eastern part of the island by Toussaint in 1801 and then invasion by Dessalines and Christopher, in 1805, violent clashes between Haitians and Dominicans were recorded in historical texts.
.
The newspaper's campaign Dessalines, for example, there are descriptions of the horrors of war that, incidentally, was not a war against Dominicans of Haitian, but against the French who were ruling at that time the eastern part of the island.
.
the end of the year 1805, during removal of the Haitian Army, who got the worst part were the Dominican plobladores the villages of Monte Plata, La Vega, Moca, Santiago and some rural villages in central region country. The killing of innocent people and destruction of these peoples by Dessalines troops marked the Dominican soul.
.
Then the Haitian occupation of the eastern part of the island run by Jean Pierre Boyer from 1822 created tensions held for 22 years culminating in the proclamation of independence of the Dominicans in 1844.
.
Rise Dominican independence was followed by a series of military invasions of Haiti and there was a 17-year war between Dominicans and Haitians. It is during this war that begins antihaitianism of State because the Dominican government makes use of the collective memory of the fear of war and the horrors of the invasion of the century, and that memory becomes war propaganda material for vivo support the war spirit Dominican struggling for independence.
. That
antihaitianism of State ceases early during the years following the annexation to Spain in 1861 because the Haitian government, headed by General Gefrard Fabre, provided assistance to the Dominican independence from Spain went to war between 1863 and 1865.
.
Collaboration Haitian Dominicans in their struggle against Spain led to a change in the relations between elites and the peoples of both countries, so that shortly after he was expelled the English in 1865, the governments of Haiti and the Dominican Republic in 1867 signed the first treaty of peace, friendship, commerce and navigation between the two countries.
.
This agreement was followed by a second treaty in 1874 to discuss the issue of borders that have not had been resolved. In the last quarter of 19, this treaty was followed by a series of negotiations to define the boundary lines where the Pope was an arbitrator and mediator.
.
I must say that in the course of these negotiations, which lasted for several decades (in 1911 both governments still being negotiated), the State raised antihaitianism with historical antihaitianism in the writings of intellectuals and newspapers. In fact, the historical antihaitianism never disappeared. As proof, just have to read the interrogations were members of a Senate committee the U.S. the Dominican Republic in 1871 so you can see what they thought of Haitians and Dominicans of that year.
.
A popular antihaitianism that survives through the years and still alive well into the 20 century. For example, in 1918, the military government of the U.S. occupation conducted a survey to gather feedback from teachers and school inspectors across the country about the cultural state of población.Si you read this survey will find that when asked about Haitians, the views of school inspectors, school principals and some teachers were consistently negative.
.
The most negative views were much closer to the border were the respondents. This is very important to consider because these views reflect the attitudes of those who had direct or close contact with Haitians. Must see, for example, the opinion of Victor Garrido, then inspector of education in San Juan de la Maguana. They were very negative opinions. So there is an underlying historical antihaitianism, permanent, concrete, very much alive.
.
During the American military occupation in both countries there was censorship. The press picked up on itself, it lost many expressions written and it seems as if there were antihaitianism in the Republic. However, the substrate-Haitian cultural, historical antihaitianism, remained in force, continued to exist, but are not published many manifestations of it.
.
During the U.S. military occupation, the anti-Haitian mentality persists and maintained. Bernardo Vega mentioned how Trujillo from 1930 makes an effort to improve relations with Haiti, so we can say that the State antihaitianism goes into recess until the massacre of Haitians in September-October 1937.
.
From this moment the state collects all the contents of historical antihaitianism and becomes the fundamental material of anti-Haitian propaganda. Then new doctrines are developed anti-Haitian, and the state becomes antihaitianism Trujillo in an inherent to the same official interpretation of Dominican history.
.
If you would like to summarize this scheme, which is certainly not complete, but I think it reflects a bit the dialectic between these two dimensions, the state and the historic, one could say that the historical antihaitianism was always mainly political and cultural.
.
century was political 19 because they took care of the problem of national survival. The Dominicans took a war to install and maintain a republic, and in the course of this war one of the Haitian rulers, Emperor Souluque Faustino, as part of the propaganda war, vowed that if the Haitians triumphed, and the chickens would live in Santo Domingo.
.
From this moment the state collects all the contents of historical antihaitianism and becomes the fundamental material of anti-Haitian propaganda. Then new doctrines are developed anti-Haitian, and the state becomes antihaitianism Trujillo in an inherent to the same official interpretation of Dominican history.
.
If you would like to summarize this scheme, which is certainly not complete, but I think it reflects a bit the dialectic between these two dimensions, the state and the historic, one could say that the historical antihaitianism was always mainly political and cultural.
.
century was political 19 because they took care of the problem of national survival. The Dominicans took a war to install and maintain a republic, and in the course of this war one of the Haitian rulers, Emperor Souluque Faustino, as part of the propaganda war, vowed that if the Haitians triumphed, and the chickens would live in Santo Domingo.
.
That, of course, terribly frightened because the Dominicans in Moca, La Vega, Santiago, the chickens were not alive in 1805, and Dominicans remembered very well what was done during the invasion of Dessalines. It is good that we present that content in the Dominican historical memory because they serve a lot to explain the persistence of Dominican antihaitianism, especially at the end of domination and during the war Haitian Dominican-Haitian.
.
During that war the Dominican political elite used as part of their propaganda war racial and religious differences. If you read the manifestos of those years, including the first manifesto of the Dominican independence, observe the efforts carried out to mark the Dominican national differences that separated them from Haití.Los Dominicans saw themselves as different from Haitians, not just because they spoke a different language, but because they believed that their religious life and its institutions were different Haitian customs as well as marital, family and household.
.
The Dominican national self-concept tended then, as now, to make a difference in Haiti. Being Dominican during the war of independence was not only not being Haitian, but also to be anti-Haitian. "He who is not Mane, to speak clearly, was one of the most popular sayings then. Why? Because the army was composed of many soldiers from the popular classes that were older and younger men of color, and there were areas such as San Cristobal where the population was much darker than other areas, and then the Dominican army generals did not know, just after the Haitian domination, which of these blacks may be still loyal to Haiti because he had been rightly deposed Haitian government which had taken the slavery 22 years earlier. Hence the cultural importance of the saying: "He who is not Mane, to speak clearly."
.
However, the State antihaitianism antihaitianism is also a politician, but from the Era of Trujillo (1937 and 1938) its main purpose was not so much show of political differences with Haiti, but to emphasize racial differences in the Era of Trujillo Haití.Durante antihaitianism of racism as state bears the special element of its definition.
.
During that war the Dominican political elite used as part of their propaganda war racial and religious differences. If you read the manifestos of those years, including the first manifesto of the Dominican independence, observe the efforts carried out to mark the Dominican national differences that separated them from Haití.Los Dominicans saw themselves as different from Haitians, not just because they spoke a different language, but because they believed that their religious life and its institutions were different Haitian customs as well as marital, family and household.
.
The Dominican national self-concept tended then, as now, to make a difference in Haiti. Being Dominican during the war of independence was not only not being Haitian, but also to be anti-Haitian. "He who is not Mane, to speak clearly, was one of the most popular sayings then. Why? Because the army was composed of many soldiers from the popular classes that were older and younger men of color, and there were areas such as San Cristobal where the population was much darker than other areas, and then the Dominican army generals did not know, just after the Haitian domination, which of these blacks may be still loyal to Haiti because he had been rightly deposed Haitian government which had taken the slavery 22 years earlier. Hence the cultural importance of the saying: "He who is not Mane, to speak clearly."
.
However, the State antihaitianism antihaitianism is also a politician, but from the Era of Trujillo (1937 and 1938) its main purpose was not so much show of political differences with Haiti, but to emphasize racial differences in the Era of Trujillo Haití.Durante antihaitianism of racism as state bears the special element of its definition.
.
So you can see how the intellectuals of that time developed a racist discourse that was then repeated ad nausea "by politicians and censing of the Trujillo regime for 20-odd years, day after day, trying to emphasize messages racial, religious and cultural rights of the Dominican people against the Haitian people. The names of those intellectuals and politicians do not I have to mention. Have been mentioned here this morning: Peña Batlle, Balaguer, Rodriguez Demorizi and others.
.
To conclude this first part, say that the State antihaitianism sits in the cradle antihaitianism sociocultural history, and is sustained and transmitted through the educational system and through the media that the regime of Trujillo used very efficiently to inculcate among Dominicans hate, fear and contempt Haití.Todos day in all schools in the country during the 25 years following the massacre of Haitians, Dominicans children were taught what differences with the Haitians, and why they should distrust Haitians.
.
This system of state propaganda consolidated and forwarded the traditional mindset of historical antihaitianism brandishing an alleged racial and political superiority and that the killing of 37 years had demonstrated military superiority on Haití.Para Dominican emphasize this last point, the scheme would Trujillo ruled publish frequently than in Haiti. When I was young I heard many times in Haiti say that Trujillo was wanted. I remember well how we preached that in school.
.
not I have to tell you how that State antihaitianism continues after the death of Trujillo. Do not think that is only neotrujillismo you use it since 1966 with President Balaguer. The President himself set in motion Bosch antihaitianism of State when he had a confrontation with Duvalier in 1963.
.
To verify this you just have to see the Dominican newspapers of that era, and they're going to find out how the Dominicans were incorporated into anti-Haitian campaign promoted by the government of Bosch and derived from a conflict that is occurring among presidents of both republics and between the governments of the two republics.
.
As soon as the conflict began, newspapers, intellectuals, politicians, students, faculty, and almost all other sectors of the country, then launched into anti-Haitian official to support the movement promoted by a democratically elected government headed by a president Democrat.
.
So antihaitianism of State is not an exclusive feature of neotrujillismo. This explains why the Historic antihaitianism not disappeared, and shows that persistence antihaitianism interact and enrich the state.
.
Now, what this tells us is that if we improve relations between both countries and both governments, somehow we have to change the mentality anti-Haitian in the Dominican Republic.
.
As for the Haitian side, the Haitian people themselves have to tell us how to change the antidominicanismo in Haiti, but as Guy pointed Alexandre very well yesterday, and repeated today, there is little systematic antidominicanismo in Haiti, while it is antihaitianism more systematic in the Dominican Republic.
.
In Santo Domingo there is doctrine and discourse about how to articulate and practice antihaitianism. In addition, there are also case and police practices: the Haitian is hit and then he asks. This is very important to be considered.
.
So, unless we change the mentality, the treaties are worthless. In 1979 a delegation of senior Haitian government, in a moment of openness, visited the Dominican Republic. Then President Guzman met with President Duvalier in the border treaties were signed.
.
These treaties have done very little, very little, because it prevents the mentality, distrust between the two elites, both companies and both nations, but especially among elites, has impedido.Yo I believe that despite all this there are areas where it can improve relations. I will mention some because these treaties, most other protocols and agreements and negotiations, all point to different areas of interest that the elites who run the governments of both countries or those who have managed perceive that they are areas where we can work together.
.
In the same area of \u200b\u200bthe state is always talking about trade issues, tariffs, border issues as such, regulation of travel, tourism, issues of military and police, health. An example: in 79 we had a swine flu epidemic that had to be operated on the island. Similarly, health authorities always mention the other side of the island when they discuss epidemiological issues, such as malaria control, and so on.
.
To conclude this first part, say that the State antihaitianism sits in the cradle antihaitianism sociocultural history, and is sustained and transmitted through the educational system and through the media that the regime of Trujillo used very efficiently to inculcate among Dominicans hate, fear and contempt Haití.Todos day in all schools in the country during the 25 years following the massacre of Haitians, Dominicans children were taught what differences with the Haitians, and why they should distrust Haitians.
.
This system of state propaganda consolidated and forwarded the traditional mindset of historical antihaitianism brandishing an alleged racial and political superiority and that the killing of 37 years had demonstrated military superiority on Haití.Para Dominican emphasize this last point, the scheme would Trujillo ruled publish frequently than in Haiti. When I was young I heard many times in Haiti say that Trujillo was wanted. I remember well how we preached that in school.
.
not I have to tell you how that State antihaitianism continues after the death of Trujillo. Do not think that is only neotrujillismo you use it since 1966 with President Balaguer. The President himself set in motion Bosch antihaitianism of State when he had a confrontation with Duvalier in 1963.
.
To verify this you just have to see the Dominican newspapers of that era, and they're going to find out how the Dominicans were incorporated into anti-Haitian campaign promoted by the government of Bosch and derived from a conflict that is occurring among presidents of both republics and between the governments of the two republics.
.
As soon as the conflict began, newspapers, intellectuals, politicians, students, faculty, and almost all other sectors of the country, then launched into anti-Haitian official to support the movement promoted by a democratically elected government headed by a president Democrat.
.
So antihaitianism of State is not an exclusive feature of neotrujillismo. This explains why the Historic antihaitianism not disappeared, and shows that persistence antihaitianism interact and enrich the state.
.
Now, what this tells us is that if we improve relations between both countries and both governments, somehow we have to change the mentality anti-Haitian in the Dominican Republic.
.
As for the Haitian side, the Haitian people themselves have to tell us how to change the antidominicanismo in Haiti, but as Guy pointed Alexandre very well yesterday, and repeated today, there is little systematic antidominicanismo in Haiti, while it is antihaitianism more systematic in the Dominican Republic.
.
In Santo Domingo there is doctrine and discourse about how to articulate and practice antihaitianism. In addition, there are also case and police practices: the Haitian is hit and then he asks. This is very important to be considered.
.
So, unless we change the mentality, the treaties are worthless. In 1979 a delegation of senior Haitian government, in a moment of openness, visited the Dominican Republic. Then President Guzman met with President Duvalier in the border treaties were signed.
.
These treaties have done very little, very little, because it prevents the mentality, distrust between the two elites, both companies and both nations, but especially among elites, has impedido.Yo I believe that despite all this there are areas where it can improve relations. I will mention some because these treaties, most other protocols and agreements and negotiations, all point to different areas of interest that the elites who run the governments of both countries or those who have managed perceive that they are areas where we can work together.
.
In the same area of \u200b\u200bthe state is always talking about trade issues, tariffs, border issues as such, regulation of travel, tourism, issues of military and police, health. An example: in 79 we had a swine flu epidemic that had to be operated on the island. Similarly, health authorities always mention the other side of the island when they discuss epidemiological issues, such as malaria control, and so on.
.
social level to village level, and not the state, there are areas in which we are very conscious that we must work. Foremost among these areas, it seems to me, relates to racial tolerance, the issues of peaceful coexistence in both territories for a Dominican in Haiti can move freely without fear, and for a Haitian to move freely in Santo Sunday if you feel fear and without being beaten or arrested by the police for their color. In matters trade, free trade, tourism and investment there are also areas of common interest referred to constantly and are designated as high priority for both countries.
.
I've been watching closely the developments which have been occurring over the past two years and particularly during this past year, and I think we can say that the situation is changing.
.
I think the Dominican-Haitian relations are changing and that, ultimately, have only one possible path that is its improvement. May be setbacks and difficulties, but Dominican-Haitian relations can only improve in the medium and long term. And I will give my explanation of why I believe that.
.
I must say, first, that the Dominican-Haitian relations can hardly be worse than they were with Trujillo and what they have been with Balaguer. Balaguer is going to end but do not want, it will end. Without it, relationships can not be worse, have to be better, because during his reign has been a systematic, conscious, directed personally by the president of the Dominican Republic to Dominican-Haitian relations can not scapegoat mejorar.Una of this policy has been the Ambassador Guy Alexandre, and try as Ambassador Alexandre has done to improve relations, which handled the Dominican government can not improve beyond a utilitarian point where they are controlled.
.
Second, the Dominican Republic and Haiti are immersed in an intense process of political change. The party system in the Dominican Republic is changing, and the party system in Haiti has also changed and will continue to change. In the Dominican Republic I am absolutely sure that the Dominican government will change next year, and with it will change the Dominico-Haitian relations, no matter who wins the next election. There are three potential presidential candidates and one of three wins is going to handle the Dominican-Haitian relations differently to how it has handled Balaguer Dominican society has long been demanding that these relations are handled differently.
.
Third, there is something that did not exist before, that is, a sermon and an intellectual discourse that permeate slowly, and favor and demand the improvement of the Dominican-Haitian relations. This seminar is part of that dynamic. This is one of the many events that have occurred U.S., Dominican Republic and Haiti, where intellectuals, academics, businessmen and ordinary people asked to have an improvement in the Dominican-Haitian relations pointing at the same time, how to improve those relationships. So there is a whole flow, a contribution, an eruption of ideas that tend to point out ways of improvement between the two countries.
.
Fourth, there is a significant change in the Dominican racial consciousness. I'm convinced of that. I have been studying the evolution of racial consciousness Dominican for 20 years. I have written about it and I can say that the diaspora has been co-responsible of this change. To prove it I'll use a stronger phrase, put it in quotes, if you want, then here is a lady in mind that when he first heard he was a little shaken. This phrase is:
.
blackens the Dominican Diaspora
.
say in what sense this? You know: the Dominican White believes in his country, but when it comes to the United States learns that he is not black and, therefore, learn to live with American blacks, with blacks in the West Indies and learns to live with the Haitians.
.
Maybe when intellectuals and academics met in one room we spoke little, but at work, at the taxi station in the street, in the warehouse and factory, the Dominicans and Haitians are living side by side in United States: the diaspora is uniting the two communities.
.
This is very important to consider because it had not happened before. There is a change in the Dominican racial consciousness, not only in the diaspora, but also in the Dominican Republic because the diaspora acts on the Dominican society and racial values. It's been nearly 20 years the Dominican racial values \u200b\u200bare changing. Began to change slowly, slowly, but today they are changing rapidly. At first the change was slow, but today there is a radical change.
.
For example: in 1977, Johnny Ventura came to the United States and was dazzled by the civil rights movement for black power and the importance of blackness in the United States. He returned to the Dominican Republic, tried to give a concert of black music in the Sports Center, and few people attended that concert.
.
At that time, the Dominicans did not want the music associated with "black." No But today it is not so. The soul music, the rap, television channels like MTV, where there is an active presence of American color groups and the Caribbean diaspora groups working artists are making Dominicans see how close are they of its Caribbean neighbors and Americans, and how close they are also culturally from their African brothers.
.
A practical demonstration of my argument is this: last year took place in the Dominican Republic an anti-Haitian campaign, anti-black racism and fiercer than the Dominican Republic has been known. Even when Trujillo was so fierce campaign. However, more than half of the Dominican people voted for the black candidate who was told the worst things possible. That was a rejection of racism, racism antihaitianism of State.
.
Things are changing and must be seen in one dimension of change, must be seen developmentally. We can not think that could change the minds overnight, but change. Attitudes are the most solid structures of creation stronger than these bricks, but eventually change attitudes and elections last year showed that the Dominicans, not all Dominicans, it is true, but more than half of Dominicans reject racism as a political weapon and as a way of life.
.
Fifth, the two companies are demanding changes in the relations between both countries and there is a dynamic that is being generated from the bottom up. Let's look at a case that illustrates this phenomenon: the trade embargo on Haiti last year produced an unexpected change among employers that suddenly transformed the Dominican-Haitian discourse and accommodated their greed to new business opportunities. This was a 180 degrees and many people are surprised to hear the traders and industrialists which had declared a recalcitrant antihaitianism proposing the improvement of trade relations with Haiti.
Why Dominican entrepreneurs changed their speech and their attitude overnight? To me the answer is simple: because trade links. From the Phoenicians to the present day, trade unites the people. It took the trauma of the embargo on the Dominican side that took place on the discovery that Haiti was the second largest market in the Dominican Republic, as I mentioned the Vega graduated this afternoon, and that many manufacturers discovered that they were selling to Haiti long ago exporters through that trading in Haiti.
.
to the embargo, the industry did not look interested in controlling a business that just did not appreciate its magnitude. Now I want to control, but need that relations between the two countries improve. As proof of this interest, Jean Michel Caroit said today that since the installation of President Aristide to date, there are tens if not hundreds of groups, missions and people who have gone to Haiti looking for business opportunities.
.
I've been watching closely the developments which have been occurring over the past two years and particularly during this past year, and I think we can say that the situation is changing.
.
I think the Dominican-Haitian relations are changing and that, ultimately, have only one possible path that is its improvement. May be setbacks and difficulties, but Dominican-Haitian relations can only improve in the medium and long term. And I will give my explanation of why I believe that.
.
I must say, first, that the Dominican-Haitian relations can hardly be worse than they were with Trujillo and what they have been with Balaguer. Balaguer is going to end but do not want, it will end. Without it, relationships can not be worse, have to be better, because during his reign has been a systematic, conscious, directed personally by the president of the Dominican Republic to Dominican-Haitian relations can not scapegoat mejorar.Una of this policy has been the Ambassador Guy Alexandre, and try as Ambassador Alexandre has done to improve relations, which handled the Dominican government can not improve beyond a utilitarian point where they are controlled.
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Second, the Dominican Republic and Haiti are immersed in an intense process of political change. The party system in the Dominican Republic is changing, and the party system in Haiti has also changed and will continue to change. In the Dominican Republic I am absolutely sure that the Dominican government will change next year, and with it will change the Dominico-Haitian relations, no matter who wins the next election. There are three potential presidential candidates and one of three wins is going to handle the Dominican-Haitian relations differently to how it has handled Balaguer Dominican society has long been demanding that these relations are handled differently.
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Third, there is something that did not exist before, that is, a sermon and an intellectual discourse that permeate slowly, and favor and demand the improvement of the Dominican-Haitian relations. This seminar is part of that dynamic. This is one of the many events that have occurred U.S., Dominican Republic and Haiti, where intellectuals, academics, businessmen and ordinary people asked to have an improvement in the Dominican-Haitian relations pointing at the same time, how to improve those relationships. So there is a whole flow, a contribution, an eruption of ideas that tend to point out ways of improvement between the two countries.
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Fourth, there is a significant change in the Dominican racial consciousness. I'm convinced of that. I have been studying the evolution of racial consciousness Dominican for 20 years. I have written about it and I can say that the diaspora has been co-responsible of this change. To prove it I'll use a stronger phrase, put it in quotes, if you want, then here is a lady in mind that when he first heard he was a little shaken. This phrase is:
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blackens the Dominican Diaspora
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say in what sense this? You know: the Dominican White believes in his country, but when it comes to the United States learns that he is not black and, therefore, learn to live with American blacks, with blacks in the West Indies and learns to live with the Haitians.
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Maybe when intellectuals and academics met in one room we spoke little, but at work, at the taxi station in the street, in the warehouse and factory, the Dominicans and Haitians are living side by side in United States: the diaspora is uniting the two communities.
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This is very important to consider because it had not happened before. There is a change in the Dominican racial consciousness, not only in the diaspora, but also in the Dominican Republic because the diaspora acts on the Dominican society and racial values. It's been nearly 20 years the Dominican racial values \u200b\u200bare changing. Began to change slowly, slowly, but today they are changing rapidly. At first the change was slow, but today there is a radical change.
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For example: in 1977, Johnny Ventura came to the United States and was dazzled by the civil rights movement for black power and the importance of blackness in the United States. He returned to the Dominican Republic, tried to give a concert of black music in the Sports Center, and few people attended that concert.
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At that time, the Dominicans did not want the music associated with "black." No But today it is not so. The soul music, the rap, television channels like MTV, where there is an active presence of American color groups and the Caribbean diaspora groups working artists are making Dominicans see how close are they of its Caribbean neighbors and Americans, and how close they are also culturally from their African brothers.
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A practical demonstration of my argument is this: last year took place in the Dominican Republic an anti-Haitian campaign, anti-black racism and fiercer than the Dominican Republic has been known. Even when Trujillo was so fierce campaign. However, more than half of the Dominican people voted for the black candidate who was told the worst things possible. That was a rejection of racism, racism antihaitianism of State.
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Things are changing and must be seen in one dimension of change, must be seen developmentally. We can not think that could change the minds overnight, but change. Attitudes are the most solid structures of creation stronger than these bricks, but eventually change attitudes and elections last year showed that the Dominicans, not all Dominicans, it is true, but more than half of Dominicans reject racism as a political weapon and as a way of life.
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Fifth, the two companies are demanding changes in the relations between both countries and there is a dynamic that is being generated from the bottom up. Let's look at a case that illustrates this phenomenon: the trade embargo on Haiti last year produced an unexpected change among employers that suddenly transformed the Dominican-Haitian discourse and accommodated their greed to new business opportunities. This was a 180 degrees and many people are surprised to hear the traders and industrialists which had declared a recalcitrant antihaitianism proposing the improvement of trade relations with Haiti.
Why Dominican entrepreneurs changed their speech and their attitude overnight? To me the answer is simple: because trade links. From the Phoenicians to the present day, trade unites the people. It took the trauma of the embargo on the Dominican side that took place on the discovery that Haiti was the second largest market in the Dominican Republic, as I mentioned the Vega graduated this afternoon, and that many manufacturers discovered that they were selling to Haiti long ago exporters through that trading in Haiti.
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to the embargo, the industry did not look interested in controlling a business that just did not appreciate its magnitude. Now I want to control, but need that relations between the two countries improve. As proof of this interest, Jean Michel Caroit said today that since the installation of President Aristide to date, there are tens if not hundreds of groups, missions and people who have gone to Haiti looking for business opportunities.
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In a speech delivered by Ambassador Alexander last summer in Puerto Principe, where he showed a history of Dominican-Haitian relations, he made a good inventory of events and exchanges that have taken place in recent years between the two countries. Now the movement towards the improvement of the Dominican-Haitian relations has a new ally, unexpected, utilitarian driven by traders, which is natural. Trade and traders unite the different parts of the globe and different societies.
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But not just the traders who are calling for improved relations, scholars also are doing. In schools and universities is Dominican Haitian students in the College of Agriculture, in Santiago, and the UNPHU in Santo Domingo, Haitian students are studying agronomy and medicine.
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But not just the traders who are calling for improved relations, scholars also are doing. In schools and universities is Dominican Haitian students in the College of Agriculture, in Santiago, and the UNPHU in Santo Domingo, Haitian students are studying agronomy and medicine.
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fellow Haitian students know my daughter's UNPHU. Also there at the Catholic University Madre y Maestra and FLACSO. Wilfredo Lozano, who is here, invited me to give six lectures in her masters program in FLACSO a couple of years. I must say that the best students in that group were Haitians. So there is a movement from the bottom up. We have not studied and do not yet know how big it is, but it feels is ahí.Nota Secretariat: This recording is damaged:
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Sixth, to end this list, the popular consciousness is changing in relation to Haiti. which of you saw a carnival carnivals have tremendous Haitian ingredient, but not limited to carnivals, people, Dominicans have come to believe that a fully Haitian dance of having a home gagá is not true, not a Dominican the gaga, Haitian rooted describing today however Dominican gaga dance and there are some dances that are derived from the gaga, Dominicans to accept the gaga.
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Sixth, to end this list, the popular consciousness is changing in relation to Haiti. which of you saw a carnival carnivals have tremendous Haitian ingredient, but not limited to carnivals, people, Dominicans have come to believe that a fully Haitian dance of having a home gagá is not true, not a Dominican the gaga, Haitian rooted describing today however Dominican gaga dance and there are some dances that are derived from the gaga, Dominicans to accept the gaga.
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However, the gaga was banned, you read the book of James Peña Ortiz so you can see that when it was banned voodoo gagá also prohibited and voodoo ... But there is a Dominican. Carlos Esteban Deive is a very important work that ... A discovery that makes Carlos Esteban Deive in this work is that the Dominicans have made their own innovations to voodoo. How so? So it is also undergoing an acculturation process.
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In 80, I knew it was not much, but someone reported me ... in 79 I gave a lecture at the Rotary Club of Santiago and someone asked me how I saw the Dominican-Haitian relations in 50 years and remember that this explained some of transculturation ... but the truth is that this is by far the only thing is that recently and since then, with breaking cultural resistance existed previously when blackness was transculturation are now so that in 50 years that the now popular at well (corrected recording here ):... the national army, in cooperation with officials and party activists official at the polling stations prevented the black vote in the Dominican sugar cane areas. So that's a problem that lies ahead and that will affect the course of relations Dominico-Haitians.
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Fourth, as mentioned this morning, some people have the problem of political refugees. Not only now but also those of tomorrow. It is true that democracies continue to build on both sides of the island, but you never know when there will be political refugees, Haitians or Dominicans in Santo Domingo in Puerto Principe, and that will always be a problem because both cities are capitals closest either country .
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Fifth, if there is a solution to the trade, that is, unless we find a regulation to manage trade free between the two countries, smuggling will continue, and will continue to trade apparently legal, but penalized for non-tariff barriers by policy provisions capricious, and abuse on either side of the border, probably more than that of the Dominican side Haiti, for structural reasons explained very well today Remy Montas.
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Sixth, to continue as well, and this will be decisive in the long run, the Dominican and Haitian migration to other countries. The Diaspora will continue to grow, and it will continue to grow also flows of return migration. The impact of Dominicans and Haitians back to their countries of origin will be increasingly felt, both on the bright side as the bad side.
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Haitians and Dominicans will return to capital and savings made legally, with good customs, habits of democracy, with secondary and higher education, technical and vocational, with managerial and entrepreneurial skills to legally invest in their countries or to withdraw. But also return all offenders, many of them deported by U.S. authorities after serving sentences in federal and state prisons in the United States, or willfully fleeing from the authorities, or seeking to take business opportunities producing rich quick, or just looking to retire in their hometowns.
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This is a phenomenon which I would draw attention because the island is already affecting the way that is affecting most other Caribbean islands. The return of offenders from the United States is something that will eventually affect the relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic because soon start to see criminals crossing from side to side of the island with the consequent headache Ambassadors both countries in Santo Domingo and Port au Prince.
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In summary, and finally, my vision of the future and you guess, is optimistic, but obviously with appropriate reservations. It is optimistic in the first place because I think there is an acceleration of the democratic process in both countries. There is no army in Haiti. There is still a group of families that govern economic life, but these families should be scared enough after what happened to Estado.Segundo consequences of stroke, there is an intensification of exchanges of all kinds between the two sides of the island and there is a better mutual understanding between both peoples and their elites. I remember a trip organized by a club of Port au Prince to the Dominican Republic on a bus in 1972.
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Fourth, as mentioned this morning, some people have the problem of political refugees. Not only now but also those of tomorrow. It is true that democracies continue to build on both sides of the island, but you never know when there will be political refugees, Haitians or Dominicans in Santo Domingo in Puerto Principe, and that will always be a problem because both cities are capitals closest either country .
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Fifth, if there is a solution to the trade, that is, unless we find a regulation to manage trade free between the two countries, smuggling will continue, and will continue to trade apparently legal, but penalized for non-tariff barriers by policy provisions capricious, and abuse on either side of the border, probably more than that of the Dominican side Haiti, for structural reasons explained very well today Remy Montas.
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Sixth, to continue as well, and this will be decisive in the long run, the Dominican and Haitian migration to other countries. The Diaspora will continue to grow, and it will continue to grow also flows of return migration. The impact of Dominicans and Haitians back to their countries of origin will be increasingly felt, both on the bright side as the bad side.
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Haitians and Dominicans will return to capital and savings made legally, with good customs, habits of democracy, with secondary and higher education, technical and vocational, with managerial and entrepreneurial skills to legally invest in their countries or to withdraw. But also return all offenders, many of them deported by U.S. authorities after serving sentences in federal and state prisons in the United States, or willfully fleeing from the authorities, or seeking to take business opportunities producing rich quick, or just looking to retire in their hometowns.
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This is a phenomenon which I would draw attention because the island is already affecting the way that is affecting most other Caribbean islands. The return of offenders from the United States is something that will eventually affect the relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic because soon start to see criminals crossing from side to side of the island with the consequent headache Ambassadors both countries in Santo Domingo and Port au Prince.
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In summary, and finally, my vision of the future and you guess, is optimistic, but obviously with appropriate reservations. It is optimistic in the first place because I think there is an acceleration of the democratic process in both countries. There is no army in Haiti. There is still a group of families that govern economic life, but these families should be scared enough after what happened to Estado.Segundo consequences of stroke, there is an intensification of exchanges of all kinds between the two sides of the island and there is a better mutual understanding between both peoples and their elites. I remember a trip organized by a club of Port au Prince to the Dominican Republic on a bus in 1972.
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I imagine that this club was made by some distinguished and educated members of the Haitian elite. When they arrived in Azua, passengers applauded thinking they had come to Santo Domingo. Then someone said "no, not there yet." When they reached Bani turned to applaud, and it was that had not yet reached its destination. When they arrived in San Cristobal, there was a standing ovation, but had not yet completed the journey. When he finally came to Santo Domingo Avenue levee was a dozen of them began to mourn. The following night at a dinner host club in Santo Domingo, several of them confessed with tears in their eyes that they had grown deceived and never imagined that the capital of the Dominican Republic could be larger than Gonaïves.
. Guy Alexandre
last night spoke of his father, the older generation who grew up with these prejudices. Of course, the Dominicans also have grown up with similar prejudices. I remember, for example, once I was invited to lunch at the home of a brother of a famous Armed Forces minister. This brother, his wife and his mother were then living in the United States, here in the Diaspora, San Francisco, California. Never forget that most of the talking my host was on "Haitian threat." I gave a lot of time explaining that Haiti was no military threat and I could not convince them because they were members of a generation that grew up with the idea that Haiti was always ready to invade the Dominican Republic, and this was the argument that exploded Juan Bosch during his confrontation with François Duvalier in 1963.
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Things, however, are changing and many of the old prejudices are disappearing because no member of the Haitian elite, much less to many Haitian workers would think that Dominic may be a small town Cape St. Marc or Haitiano.Tercero, today there is increased trade, and if history teaches any lesson, I repeat, is that trade une.Cuarto, we said that there is a more widespread intellectual discourse that preaches the necessity and possibility of cooperation.
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Fifth, also said that there is a transition in Dominican racial awareness has resulted in recognition of his own blackness among many Dominicans, and sixth, I think in the long run there will be democracy in both said yesterday that países.Alguien I had to prove that point, and I will do immediately.
. Guy Alexandre
last night spoke of his father, the older generation who grew up with these prejudices. Of course, the Dominicans also have grown up with similar prejudices. I remember, for example, once I was invited to lunch at the home of a brother of a famous Armed Forces minister. This brother, his wife and his mother were then living in the United States, here in the Diaspora, San Francisco, California. Never forget that most of the talking my host was on "Haitian threat." I gave a lot of time explaining that Haiti was no military threat and I could not convince them because they were members of a generation that grew up with the idea that Haiti was always ready to invade the Dominican Republic, and this was the argument that exploded Juan Bosch during his confrontation with François Duvalier in 1963.
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Things, however, are changing and many of the old prejudices are disappearing because no member of the Haitian elite, much less to many Haitian workers would think that Dominic may be a small town Cape St. Marc or Haitiano.Tercero, today there is increased trade, and if history teaches any lesson, I repeat, is that trade une.Cuarto, we said that there is a more widespread intellectual discourse that preaches the necessity and possibility of cooperation.
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Fifth, also said that there is a transition in Dominican racial awareness has resulted in recognition of his own blackness among many Dominicans, and sixth, I think in the long run there will be democracy in both said yesterday that países.Alguien I had to prove that point, and I will do immediately.
In 1961, when they killed Trujillo, the Dominican Republic who were adults at the time, and they are here, they will not let me wrong when I remember it was one of the Dominican Republic for Dominicans gave him the ability to build a democracy . Lucia then as a lost cause in the concert of nations. After 31 years of brutal dictatorship foreigners said that "these Dominicans do not have experience to build a democracy they have never known."
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The same argument is put forward today against Haiti. Haitians are being denied the ability to build a democracy. However, what the recent process Haitian politician has shown is just that Haitians do have the ability to begin to build a democracy as they have begun by overthrowing the enemies of democracy.
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Haiti is today as we were the Dominicans in 1961, with the advantage that removed Haiti, at least temporarily, the army, a structure of power and force prevented a lot, and for many years, Haiti's democratic development . Finally, I believe that although the future is positive, the future is not freely give us: we must build. All history is built. The future is like the past, a construction of those who decide to live in a way, in a risk determinada.Hay yet. But the possibilities, I repeat, have never been better than now.
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Go to Home of Digital Veins:
http://vetasdigital.blogspot.com
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The same argument is put forward today against Haiti. Haitians are being denied the ability to build a democracy. However, what the recent process Haitian politician has shown is just that Haitians do have the ability to begin to build a democracy as they have begun by overthrowing the enemies of democracy.
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Haiti is today as we were the Dominicans in 1961, with the advantage that removed Haiti, at least temporarily, the army, a structure of power and force prevented a lot, and for many years, Haiti's democratic development . Finally, I believe that although the future is positive, the future is not freely give us: we must build. All history is built. The future is like the past, a construction of those who decide to live in a way, in a risk determinada.Hay yet. But the possibilities, I repeat, have never been better than now.
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Go to Home of Digital Veins:
http://vetasdigital.blogspot.com
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